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A definitive, authoritative and up-to-date resource for anyone interested in the theories, models and assessment methods used for understanding the many factes of Human personality and individual differences. Volume 1: Personality Theories and Models deals with the major theoretical models underlying personality instruments.

Processes on the Borderline Between Cognitive Abilities and Personality: Confidence and its Realism

Processes on the borderline between cognitive abilities and personality: Confidence and its realism

Some psychological processes, typically captured by individual differences methodology, are related to but conceptually different from both cognitive ability and personality traits (Messick, 1996; Stankov, 1999). Cognitive traits refer to consistent variations in behavior that accompany variations in complexity of stimulus patterns. Personality is usually defined as a collection of a person's unique emotional thought, and behavioral patterns that are captured by statements that describe the way we ‘think, feel, or act’. For Messick (1996), cognitive styles are the most important processes that lie in-between abilities and personality traits. His emphasis was on field independence versus field sensitivity and stylistic dimensions of attentional scanning. For Stankov (1999), these include different self-related constructs (e.g. self-concept as described by Marsh, 1986), aspects of trait complexes (see Ackerman, 2003) and outlooks, and perhaps what we have become accustomed to calling emotional intelligence.

In this chapter, we shall focus on recent work on confidence and its relationship to accuracy. The discrepancy between confidence and accuracy of performance will be referred to as realism of confidence — the area that captures the essence of processes that are related to ability and personality and yet differ from both. What we have found is that confidence is a useful construct that can be profitably employed in research and practice.

Theoretical and Historical Background of Research on Confidence

There are two traditions in psychological studies of confidence. One tradition treats confidence as a personality trait and employs a typical format for the self-assessment of such traits. For example, ‘assertiveness’ and ‘bold and bashful’ aspects of the extroversion dimension include features of self-confidence (e.g. McCrae and Costa, 1990). Although we have used these and other related scales in our work, confidence-as-personality trait will be treated as a marginal topic in this chapter. This is because empirical evidence suggests that such personality measures do not correlate to any substantial degree with our own procedures for assessing confidence (Kleitman et al., 2003; Pallier et al., 2002).

The second tradition of research on confidence has a long history in psychology that is inextricably linked to well-defined cognitive activities, typically in providing an answer to a test item. There are three distinct streams in this tradition. Psychophysical studies of confidence started with the work of Fullerton and J.M. Cattell (1892). Classical psychophysicists routinely collected three bits of information in their studies of threshold performance: accuracy, speed, and confidence. These three dependent measures provided relevant information for the interpretation of psychophysical functions. More recent research following this stream of work was reviewed by Vickers (1979) and Baranski and Petrusic (1999).

The second stream comes from psychologists in the area of decision-making. Their typical question is whether those who know more also know more about how much they know. ‘Know’ refers to accuracy, and ‘knowing how much they know’ relates to confidence (Lichtenstein and Fischoff, 1977). Two important theoretical approaches have been dominant in the study of confidence: the heuristics and biases approach (Kahneman et al., 1982) and the ecological approach (Gigerenzer et al., 1991). As we shall elaborate later, the heuristics and biases approach attributes the discrepancy between ‘knowing how much they know’ and ‘know’ to systematic personal tendencies. The ecological approach attributes this discrepancy to the characteristics of tasks that may attract the use of wrong cues in choosing the answer to a test question and adapting a wrong normative model.

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