Summary
Contents
Subject index
The SAGE Handbook of Education for Citizenship and Democracy brings together new work by some of the leading authorities on citizenship education, and is divided into five sections. The first section deals with key ideas about citizenship education including democracy, rights, globalization and equity. Section two contains a wide range of national case studies of citizenship education including African, Asian, Australian, European and North and South American examples. The third section focuses on perspectives about citizenship education with discussions about key areas such as sustainable development, anti-racism, and gender. Section four provides insights into different characterizations of citizenship education with illustrations of democratic schools, peace and conflict education, global education, human rights education etc. The final section provides a series of chapters on the pedagogy of citizenship education with discussions about curriculum, teaching, learning and assessment.
Assessing Citizenship Education
Assessing Citizenship Education
‘In examinations, the foolish ask questions the wise cannot answer.’
Oscar Wilde
In one noted citizenship school in south-east London, teachers wrote a case study detailing their success implementing the new national curriculum. At the end of that case study, they identified areas for future work: ‘One major challenge for the school is to develop a viable framework for assessing citizenship education and planning for development, coherence and continuity in pupils' learning experiences across the key stages’ (Douglas and Hudson, 2003: 206).
They also acknowledged that an even more challenging task lay ahead in creating a set of indicators by which they might judge ‘the success and quality of citizenship education in the formal curriculum, in the school's culture and ethos and in its interaction with the community.’ It is surprising in some ways that a subject could be implemented successfully in a school whilst clarity about these important issues remains outstanding. However, it also is a reflection of how difficult it is to achieve such clarity in citizenship education. In response to this challenge, some citizenship teachers in England, as elsewhere, have avoided doing too much in the area of assessment, trusting somehow that good teaching will have the hoped-for effect. On the other hand, a variety of elaborate mechanisms for testing and measuring citizenship has been developed around the world, and we shall consider some of these below. I leave it to the reader to decide to what extent the examiners have avoided Wilde's wry warning.
This chapter aims to explore these issues through addressing three questions.
- Should we assess citizenship education at all?
- What should we assess in citizenship education?
- How could we assess citizenship education?
Should we Assess Citizenship Education at All?
Several authors have expressed concerns about the role of assessment in citizenship education (Turnbull, 2002; Breslin, 2006; Halstead and Pike, 2006). Turnbull argues that the contested nature of key concepts such as citizenship and democracy makes it difficult to ensure assessment can be objective. Breslin observes that assessing citizenship ‘seems to go against the grain of what active, effective citizenship is’ (Breslin, 2006: 321). Kerr has countered these concerns by stressing that teachers are ‘not assessing the development of a young person as a “citizen” per se, but rather the quality of their learning related to citizenship education’ (Kerr, 2002). Nevertheless the question for some remains, are we trying to measure the unmeasurable (Inman et al., 1998)?
This latter area is the major concern of Halstead and Pike (2006: 151), who wonder about the state's right to promote and assess certain values, especially if these are different from those held by a child's family. This echoes the earlier warning from Arthur and Wright (2001) who pointed out the possible risks of teachers engaging in superficial and misguided assessment tasks which might indirectly focus on beliefs and attitudes (which may stem from the family or cultural group) as opposed to an individual's learning and progress.
Halstead and Pike (2006: 152) make a separate point when they argue that ‘summative, external government-controlled assessment of citizenship, used to wield power over children and teachers, may not be entirely congruent with many of the aims and principles of the citizenship curriculum.’ Following Foucault, they argue that examinations operate as examples of disciplinary power, which sort young people into hierarchies, organised around the concept of the norm (Schrag, 1999 quoted in Halstead and Pike, 2006: 154). They go on to urge us to
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