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The term third wave feminism, coined in the early 1990s, is a term for a dynamic, sometimes contentious, body of thinking and activism within contemporary feminism. It defies easy definition, including even in terms of when to mark the origin of third wave ideas. In general, however, third wave feminism is viewed as the “next wave of feminism” that followed second wave feminism. Although there is an origins dispute, there is no doubt that from the early 1990s to the present, the third wave has become a global, more diverse inquiry into social systems of sex, race, and gender inequality and differences than occurred during second wave feminism.

Even though there is no single approach, three core strands of early third wave thinking/activism-postfeminism, power feminism, and Girlie feminism-are often included under the label third wave feminism and remain important today. Among the three strands, core sensibilities exist, even if various methods and ways of thinking are used. First, third wave feminists take the achievement of the second for granted in the sense that most (but not all) third wavers were raised after the successes of second wave feminism and, as a result, tend to assume women's equity and emphasize and organize around diversity, multiplicity, and contradiction. Indeed, third wave feminism celebrates difference in terms of identity construction, in which signifiers such as race and binary gender are rejected in favor of ambiguity and multiple subject positions.

Third wavers are also committed to a politics of difference rather than commonality, such that they embrace contradiction so that apparently inconsistent political viewpoints coexist in the name of third wave feminism. As a result, and unlike much second wave politics, third wave feminists organize around differences or diversity among women rather than via a unified concept of women. Today, primarily under the rubric of “intersectional analyses,” much third wave feminism continues to develop ways of thinking that recognize the intersection of various multiple, shifting bases of oppression, primarily around race, class, gender, sexuality, and (dis)ability, and aim to create coalition politics based on interlocking-yet always shifting and changing-forms of oppression and axes of identity.

Beginnings

Initially, the early 1990s was considered the beginning of the third wave. However, recent academic work suggests that third wave ideas began to appear in writings and discussions focused on the intersections of feminism and racism in the mid-1980s, primarily by women of color. These early writings called for a “new subjectivity” or feminist “voice” that honored race in response to the overwhelming focus on white women's issues in much of the media-represented second wave feminism and the failure to attend to race by many white second wave feminists. This focus was articulated initially by some of the key activists in the second wave: Cherrie Moraga, Gloria Anzaldúa, bell hooks, Chela Dadoval, Audre Lorde, Maxine Hong Kingston, and other feminists of color. Focusing on race continued, mostly in academic circles, until the Anita Hill and Clarence Thomas hearings.

The Hill-Thomas hearings, conducted by the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee to investigate professor Anita Hill's allegations of sexual harassment by Thomas, was televised live in October 1991. Although the hearings had no legal significance and Thomas was eventually confirmed, many mark the hearings as the symbolic beginning of a new discussion of gender inequity and sexual harassment in America, which continued long after the hearing was over in both academic and popular circles. As a result, 1991 is often credited with initiating a new conversation-a third wave conversation-about feminism and feminist ideas in both popular and academic circles.

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