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The term hunting comprehends a broad, complex, and always culture-specific range of human activities. For the purposes of this article, and to capture a sense of the complexity, we shall use the definition first employed by British historian John MacKenzie: “the pursuit, driving, ambushing, and trapping of wild animals of all species with the intention of killing them for meat, other animal products, or purely for sport.” Obviously, for most of the 20th century and in most Western and colonialist contexts, hunting in this sense was not considered to fall under the category of “women's work.”

Indeed, the dominant view of the origins and underpinnings of human society that developed in the latter half of the 20th century-the so-called hunting hypothesis of human origins-established the dyad Man the Hunter/Woman the Gatherer as the fundamental unit in human society. That “hypothesis” was itself a construct of the post-World War II period in which anthropologists and ethnographers sought to discern an ideal, and ostensibly universal, form of human social and economic organization. Grounded in an androcentric evolutionary theory, it looked strikingly similar to the gender-based patriarchal arrangements of the developed West. While natural and social scientists discarded the hunting hypothesis relatively quickly, it proved to have considerable staying power in the popular imagination.

Contemporary Women as Hunters

Nonetheless, it is clear that while hunting has in most times and places been a predominantly male activity, women have also been among the ranks of hunters, sometimes hunting cooperatively with men, sometimes hunting on their own. The most frequently cited examples of female hunters include those women in the ancient world “to whom” the Greek historian Xenophon commented “the goddess has given this blessing (i.e., a love of hunting)”; a long line of royal aristocratic European women stretching from Elizabeth I of England and Sweden's Queen Christina to the Empress Elizabeth of Austria, a renowned 19th-century fox hunter; pioneer women on the American frontier; female adventurers who hunted in Asia and Africa during the period of Empire; women of contemporary indigenous populations like the Tiwi Aborigines in Australia, central Africa's Mbuti Pygmies, and the Philippine Agta peoples; and, most recently, the dramatically increased numbers of female hunters in North America in the last decades of the 20th century.

Reckoning the precise number of American women afield today is an inexact science at best, since several states do not specify gender on hunting licenses, and even states that do often neglect to track that information. But according to figures released by the National Shooting Sports Foundation in 1995, between 1988 and 1993 the number of women hunting with firearms in the United States increased by 23 percent, with women accounting for roughly 10 percent of hunters in the United States, a percentage that appears to have remained fairly consistent since then. Currently, 15 percent of Canadian hunters are female. In the United States, rural women are three times more likely to hunt than their urban counterparts. The six U.S. states with the highest percentages of women hunters are, not surprisingly, also states with predominantly rural populations: Wyoming and Montana (states where one in five hunters is female), Wisconsin, Arkansas, Minnesota, and Texas. The pattern of higher rural hunting participation is similar in Canada.

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