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Crisis pregnancy centers (CPCs) were first established in the United States in the years before Roe v. Wade (1973), when individual states began liberalizing their abortion laws. They were a response to this liberalization by those holding pro-life sentiments; they offered pregnancy options counseling that excluded abortion.

While some CPCs were and are open about their politics, many CPCs were or still are not. More recently, and especially during the Bush administration, CPCs began to take on a more medicalized persona presenting themselves as healthcare clinics that offer free medical services like pregnancy tests and ultrasounds. As explained below, this newer manifestation confuses some women who believe they are patronizing legitimate medical clinics, which is further complicated by the evidence that these women are given false and misleading information and subjected to a variety of hurtful tactics.

CPCs are concerning because of their deceptive nature and how that impacts women's reproductive health and rights. Many CPCs portray themselves as being neutral on the abortion issue in order to attract pregnant women to use their services. Yet, CPCs do not help women access abortion; rather, most present inaccurate information to clients.

In 2006, the United States House of Representatives Committee on Government Reform found that 20 out of 23 CPCs contacted provided false and misleading health information to patients, especially in relation to the alleged links between abortion and breast cancer, abortion and future infertility, and the mental health effects of abortion. Moreover, the persons performing the free ultrasounds have limited training, and no training in detecting fetal abnormalities belying the medical nature of CPCs.

Objectional Tactics

In addition to medical misinformation, the CPCs engage in a range of objectionable tactics when trying to persuade women to continue pregnancies. They have been known to use emotional pleas such as references to “your baby” and giving women knitted booties. They have also been known to use coercive and offensive tactics such as showing women graphic photos and videos, and equating abortion with “murder” or “killing.”

An equal, though less frequently raised, concern is the role CPCs play in adoption. Several recent exposés, like those in The Nation and Time magazine, reveal the coercive nature of some CPCs in this respect. Not only are there examples of CPCs persuading women not to have abortions, but there are also reports of incidents where women are pushed into rushed and closed adoptions in which the pregnant women are isolated from their families and not properly informed of their rights as biological parents.

The above concerns are exacerbated by the reach and power of CPCs. The Guttmacher Institute estimates that there are between 2,500 and 4,000 CPCs across the United States. Most of these have an affiliation with Christian charities or organizations. Under the Bush administration, many of these CPCs were awarded federal funding under abstinence-only education program guidelines. In 2006, the United States House of Representatives Committee on Government Reform reported that between 2001 and 2005, more than 50 CPCs received over $30 million in federal funding.

The number and affiliation of these well-funded groups acquire further significance when one considers that approximately half of the pregnancies occurring yearly in the United States are unintended and that 40 percent of those will end in abortion. Moreover, unplanned pregnancies have increased almost 30 percent among poor women over the last decade. These are the same women for whom free ultrasounds and pregnancy tests would be appealing. Under the Obama administration, there have been budget cuts for abstinence-only education programs, which covers CPCs, and the Senate defeated a bill that would have seen CPCs directly eligible for federal funding. Yet, CPCs continue to operate and benefit from the resources accrued under the Bush administration.

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