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Spaces of Flows
The phrase “space of flows,” most often associated with the later work of Manuel Castells, has come to characterize claims for a spatial reconfiguration of the urban order in an era of globalization. It is argued that cities find themselves in a world where capital, information, people, and economic activities are mobile on an ever-greater spatial scale and with an increasing scope in terms of the size of flows. For cities, this means an old system of settled national hierarchies has been replaced by more fluid, horizontal interrelations. Instead of a hierarchical order of scales (local towns to regional centers to capital cities), with integration meaning going up a level, there is now a more direct set of linkages between different cities cutting across those systems.
The effects of this space of flows can be seen in many registers—from financial, to movements of people, to new patterns of location and new organizations of economic activity. Urban studies scholars look at the role of information and communications technologies (ICTs), which allow close coordination of production activities that may now be located far from their markets and indeed disaggregated and dispersed around the planet. For instance, the insertion of ICTs into service provision via telephone call centers enables locational flexibility in provider location, and regional, national, and global distanciation via their relocation to places such as India, the Caribbean, and Southeast Asia. Castells argues that we are witnessing a society organized around informational capitalism, and this gives rise to a global space of flows, through a new spatiality driven by the ability of ICTs to reconfigure the relationships of people and places.
The apogee of the space of flows is the globalized financial system as exemplified in continuous global financial trading (as New York winds down, Los Angeles opens; as Los Angeles closes, Tokyo is opening; as Tokyo closes, Singapore and Mumbai are trading, and as they close, London and Paris open; as London and Paris close, New York has reopened). This is a paradigmatic example of the use of ICTs to first overcome the difficulties of distanciated interactions and then to actually capitalize on this. We thus develop from using ICTs to coordinate widely scattered activities, bringing information together into a central office in the financial district, to using offices in different time zones to enable around the clock working, and thus not only allowing a global reach but also using space to overcome time. At the extreme this has been seen as the supersession of space and the annihilation of time. If we explore the impact of such a space of flows, we need to look both between and within cities.
Global Nodes and Hubs
The effects of the space of flows are socially and materially uneven—thus while there has been an enormous effort to reduce barriers to flows of capital, there are rather more barriers for flows of people. Castells looks to uneven outcomes, with some people trapped in places while a “kinetic elite” of wealthy actors access the space of flows. Cities thus find themselves in a competitive order working to attract footloose capital and economic activities. Saskia Sassen has noted that far from producing an even dispersion, the informational and human infrastructures required to coordinate widely distanciated activities are large and concentrated in specific urban milieus. For instance, there is a greater fiber optic and data cable capacity in Manhattan than on the continent of Africa. Cities strive for competitive advantage by providing facilities for corporations to locate in a reconfigured space of global flows. Cities thus strive to be connected to these flows of information and to make themselves attractive to desired flows of (elite) people. Castells sees a space of flows produced through global nodes and hubs, comprising environments conducive to the elite workers, often sealed off from the rest of the city in non-places, or what he calls real virtual spaces (such as corporate offices, hotels, and airports). These milieus become key places in the space of flows for elite knowledge workers to mingle and exchange the information and skills necessary to run global enterprises. One might then, after Sassen, distinguish flows of two types of information in the global economy: (1) data that can be reduced to transmissible forms and flow through electronic networks, and (2) evaluative knowledge that requires high-skill interactive processing, supported by networks of tacit competences. Firms seek cities whose social affordances enable interactivity among mobile elites and thus will allow the maximization of benefits from a parallel technical connectivity. The chances to acquire evaluative knowledge are enhanced in a process of cumulative causation by those very firms strategically posting staff to these global hubs.
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