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The new urban sociology is a major paradigm developed in the 1970s and 1980s to challenge the fundamental assumptions and explanatory schemes of mainstream urban ecology and sociology. Although there are differences among the various theories that constitute new urban sociology, several major assumptions define the paradigm. First, it eschews strict demographic and variable-oriented analyses and focuses attention on the centrality of human agency and conflict in the determination of cities and urban life. The primary role of powerful economic actors, especially those in the real estate industry, in building and redeveloping cities is a predominant theme and topic among proponents. Another core assumption of the new urban sociology is that metropolitan development and patterns of spatial segregation are not inevitable but result from the conscious actions taken by individual decision makers in various class, race, gender, and community-based groups, acting under particular historical circumstances. In addition to the stress on human agency, the new urban sociology focuses on urban space as a constitutive dimension of social relations and a material product (e.g., the built environment) that can affect social relations. Moreover, the new urban sociology stresses the importance of symbols, meanings, and culture in shaping cities. This urban semiotic approach involves the exploration of sociomaterial objects and their constructed meanings as mediated through a constellation of signs and symbols they evoke and convey. Finally, the new urban sociology emphasizes the importance of global transformation as central to shaping life in all urban and metropolitan regions. This global approach is concerned with the influence of global political and economic forces as well as national and local patterns in shaping life in urban and metropolitan regions. The new urban sociology seeks to illuminate the web of complex relationships and interconnections that constitute the interplay of the local and global in the building of metropolitan space.

Historical Evolution

The new urban sociology begins with critical urban sociologists of the 1960s and 1970s, who became dissatisfied with urban ecology and mainstream urban sociology and developed a distinct approach to urban problems. During the 1950s and 1960s, urban sociology was dominated by structural-functionalist assumptions and major ecological themes and approaches. In the early 1970s, several Marxist social scientists including Manuel Castells, David Harvey, and Henri Lefebvre, among other scholars, began to revise Karl Marx's ideas to explain uneven metropolitan development, urban industrial decline, gentrifica-tion, and suburbanization, among other urban phenomena.

Castells proposed that urban scholars focus on the collective consumption characteristic of urbanized nations and the way in which political and economic conflicts within cities generate urban social movements for change. David Harvey, in contrast, argued that the central issue in making sense of cities was neither collective consumption nor class struggle but capital accumulation. Influenced by Lefebvre, Harvey argued that investment in land and real estate is an important means of accumulating wealth and a crucial activity that pushes the growth of cities in specific ways. Processes as diverse as urban disinvestment, suburbanization, deindustrialization, urban renewal, and gentrifica-tion are part and parcel of the continuous reshaping of the built environment in pursuit of profit. According to Harvey, powerful real estate actors invest, disinvest, and reshape land uses in a process of creative destruction that destroys communities and produces intense social conflicts and struggles over meanings and uses of urban space.

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