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Men seeking to reform city governments in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in the United States founded organizations they called city clubs. These clubs were typical Progressive-era reform organizations that were seeking to diminish the influence of party politics in municipal governments. City club members generally believed that the personal corruption and fiscal irresponsibility of many party politicians and their followers had fostered serious economic, political, and social problems. The stated purpose of these organizations was to foster a sense of civic engagement that would promote honest and efficient administration of city affairs through nonpartisan political action. City clubs originated in eastern and midwestern cities, including Philadelphia, New York City, Chicago, Boston, and Cleveland. Western cities such as Portland and Denver followed this practice. Many of these clubs, espousing the same goals, still exist. Newer clubs, such as the one founded in Seattle in 1981, have kept the tradition alive.

Early in their history, membership in city clubs was all male, with women often not even allowed to participate as guest speakers. Membership was also largely comprised of middle-class, White businessmen and professionals. Clubs enforced their exclusivity through membership rules that carefully controlled admission even though the clubs publicized themselves as open to men from every walk of life. The rigid gender segregation of city clubs was relaxed over time, but by the second decade of the century, women had responded to their exclusion by organizing their own women's city clubs. A key difference between the male and female clubs was in how they perceived their purposes. The women's city clubs generally stressed the fostering of a collective social responsibility for solving municipal issues, whereas clubs of men spoke about wanting more civic engagement among men who were otherwise disaffected from municipal affairs.

City clubs worked through civic committees that investigated specific urban issues such as tax reform, public education, transportation, parks and playgrounds, municipal services such as police, fire, and garbage collection, city planning, and labor. These committees made monthly and annual reports to the club at large. Regularly scheduled luncheon meetings featured invited speakers who addressed the members on pressing urban issues. City clubs generally published bulletins and newsletters in which they publicized their meetings and discussions and presented the club's position on important municipal concerns. City clubs of this type described themselves as dedicated as much to informing city residents of the state of municipal affairs as to effecting actual reforms or recommending particular candidates for municipal offices. While obviously class and gender bound, the early city clubs expressed optimism that once urban residents were better informed of city affairs, they would elect honest and efficient municipal officials who would serve the best interests of the community rather than the interests of political parties. Dedication to fostering civic engagement and political responsibility distinguishes these city clubs from other clubs that may use the name but are actually businessmen's private social clubs.

Maureen A.Flanagan

Further Readings

Flanagan, Maureen A.“Gender and Urban Political Reform:

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