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Buses are often seen as a cheap, dirty, inconvenient, and unreliable mode of transport, used only by those who have no other option. Yet Transport for London estimates that around 6 million bus journeys are made in London every day, with buses the fastest-growing mode of transport in the city. While light rail or metro systems typically exist only in the largest cities or in cities that have experienced extended periods of socialist government, bus riding is a feature of urban life globally and has been for some time: Early bus services were horse drawn, with the first proliferation of “omnibuses” occurring in European cities in the 1830s. Bus links remain important to residents in marginal communities, banlieues, suburbs, or slums, representing connections to city centers and providing opportunities for employment. Their very banality, however, as a taken-for-granted aspect of everyday life, has meant that they have often escaped the attention of urban researchers. Despite this, buses are vital parts of urban infrastructure, can expose inequalities in urban governance, and can reveal the practices involved in everyday urban mobilities.

Buses as Urban Infrastructure

Buses represent the cheapest form of urban transport infrastructure development for cities. They cost the least to instigate and maintain, and they are able to collect fares from a far greater number of locations than is their major current competitor, light rail. Despite this, they tend to be less popular than larger infrastructural projects among city governments. This is partially due to their disadvantages: They tend to have lower capacities, can be more uncomfortable, and are more susceptible to disruption from roadwork and traffic problems than are other forms of public transportation. They also have a negative image that contributes to their avoidance by some city governments, who find that flagship metro or light rail projects bring greater external capital investment. In some cities, however, bus rapid transport systems (BRTSs) have been developed as a central part of transport infrastructure. These BRTSs integrate services, amenities, computing and information technologies, and dedicated roadways to produce a fast and frequent service. Due to the comparatively low up-front costs, these are most extensive in, but not limited to, the Global South. The BRTS in Curitiba, Brazil, is viewed as one of the biggest successes, being used by around 70 percent of commuters. It makes use of local minibuses to connect passengers to larger-capacity, high-speed central routes with dedicated road lanes. Bus companies operate independently but are regulated and supported by the city. Stops are fully wheelchair accessible and contain facilities to allow passengers to purchase tickets, as well as public telephones and conveniences. BRTSs, however, require extensive planning, meaning that transposing certain examples of best practice without regard to contextual issues can result in poorly implemented schemes in some cities. The BRTS currently under development in Delhi has been heavily criticized during its trial period because of the ecological damage involved in its construction, as well as poor planning, which has reduced road space for car users and which has placed bus stops between busy lanes of traffic. Broadly, it seems that city governments often require the autonomy of those in South America to produce successful bus rapid transit schemes, something unavailable to many Asian cities.

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