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Although advances have been made in the human services relating to cultural sensitivity and diversity-informed practice, intensive investigations relating to exposure to race-related traumatic events in research, clinical practice, or in everyday life are relatively sparse. The commentary related to the diagnosis of Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) found in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) largely ignores issues related to race, although particularly high rates of PTSD are noted to occur among survivors of ethnically motivated internment and genocide. Although particularly severe or horrific race-related trauma (e.g., sexual assault by a member of another race, while being verbally abused because of one's own race) would legitimately be seen as precipitating events leading to PTSD, lesser forms of exposure to race-related traumatic experiences (e.g., verbal insults, poor service, suspicious glances, unfulfilled threats) would not usually be seen as sufficient, in and of themselves, to result in PTSD.

It is an interesting question as to the equivalence or distinction of one or more severely traumatic experiences versus exposure to an irregular but frequent stream of lesser traumas in their potential to give rise to PTSD. The focus of most research on PTSD has been on the former etiological pathway, but that is not to say that the latter is incapable of yielding a similarly pathogenic insult. As more overt and conspicuous forms of racism in contemporary society have been blunted, and indeed made illegal in many instances, residual aspects of racism certainly linger across the cultural spectrum, often in the form of what have been labeled as microaggressions.

A person's race and ethnic background, though often a source of pride and self-esteem, can, depending on the circumstances and environments of the individual's life, be a source of stress, or may be related to the onset and perpetuation of stress reactions and other mental disorders. Any significant discrepancies between, for example, a therapist's background and that of the client's can influence the treatment relationship, and one's effectiveness at interpersonal communication and helping. Although the discussion of such topics is minimal within the DSM-IV, some researchers advocate for such inclusion. As it stands now, there is virtually no mention of racism found in the DSM.

The concept of trauma involves a physical or psychological injury to the person, evoked by some type of violence, shock, or an unanticipated situation. Trauma is expressed through an array of potential responses, including withdrawal, a numbness of feeling, fear and anxiety, and a sense of helplessness. Racism involves generalizing about people, usually involving negative stereotyping, because of an individual's race. Racism often manifests as discrimination against members of various racial groups. As an ideology, racism consists of the view that a group's racially distinctive physical features (e.g., genetic endowment) are associated with certain behavioral, psychological, or intellectual traits. These views lead to distinguishing supposedly inferior and superior groups or races.

Empirical research on the causes of racism is not extensive, but some behavioral models have been developed. Experiencing both microaggressions and more obvious forms of racism can be traumatic, sometimes exceptionally so. Clinically, racism has been etiologically implicated in the development of PTSD, and studies plausibly suggest that exposure to racism and the experience of shaming, coercion, demoralization, and chronic denigration have been associated with the onset of severe PTSD.

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