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Two recent, and important, reports from the Pew Center on the States called attention to the reality that the United States currently incarcerates more individuals per capita than any other country in the world. The reports document that 1 in 100 U.S. citizens currently are incarcerated in jails and state or federal prisons, and that 1 in 31 U.S. citizens are under some form of correctional control. The latter figure adds probation and parole, along with other forms of community supervision to the proportion.

The relationship between interpersonal trauma and incarceration obviously is complex. The consequences of interpersonal trauma, as we now understand, are far-reaching and are associated with individuals' physical and mental health—many times across the life span. Interpersonal trauma that occurred during childhood is associated with, among other things, an increased risk for substance use disorders, delinquency, adult victimization, and criminality. Not surprisingly, the prevalence of interpersonal trauma among individuals who are imprisoned is higher than that observed in the general population. Researchers and practitioners alike note that individuals who have experienced interpersonal violence and other forms of trauma, including physical, sexual, and emotional violence and victimization, are overrepresented in the correctional system. Unfortunately, previous trauma also is associated with vulnerability to victimization and violence during incarceration. Trauma then, in its various forms, is seen as a factor that both contributes to the risk of becoming involved with the correctional system, and can result from having been involved with the correctional system.

Offenders who have experienced trauma, or who are at risk for developing these symptoms over time, may not be readily identifiable to corrections staff. Inmates typically are screened, shortly after sentencing, for physical and emotional problems. However, standard prison classification procedures are focused on identifying concerns related to security and public safety. Corrections-oriented risk assessments and classification screenings are not the same as a mental health evaluation. Most jurisdictions do gather information concerning an inmate's educational and vocational achievement, and certain markers for socioemotional functioning such as familial and partner status. In addition, some jurisdictions also try to identify deficits in cognitive abilities or adaptive functioning. This is important, because inmates with developmental disabilities are at increased risk for violent victimization by other prisoners. However, questions regarding prior experiences of violence and/or victimization may not be asked. Finally, it is important to keep in mind that sexual offenders are, perhaps, at the greatest risk for victimization and violence during their imprisonment. This is an area of concern to researchers and practitioners alike.

One key function of risk assessment is to assess whether inmates are likely to exhibit disruptive or assaultive behavior while imprisoned, or to engage in self-harm. Some inmates suffering from traumatic syndromes, then, will be identified through these processes. More typically, however, any specialized evaluation would be provided by way of a consultation with a mental health professional, requested by staff or the inmate in question. Mental health professionals who work with inmates include counselors, licensed clinical social workers, psychologists, and psychiatrists.

Women, Incarceration, and Trauma

As in the general population, the prevalence of interpersonal trauma is higher among female inmates than male inmates. Several researchers have documented the prevalence of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among female inmates as much as three times greater than that seen in a general community sample. A number of studies conclude that, excepting a substance use disorder, PTSD is the most common diagnosis associated with incarcerated females. The nature of the childhood physical and sexual abuse observed in female inmates often is characterized by early onset, extreme severity, and multiple experiences. Perhaps it is not surprising, then, that emerging evidence suggests childhood sexual abuse, as one specific form of childhood trauma, is related to female criminality. The same relationship does not hold for males; however, who are relatively less likely to have experienced childhood sexual abuse and more likely to have experienced physical abuse and maltreatment. Many scholars endorse hypothesized linkages among substance abuse, adult victimization, and criminality or incarceration as reflecting, in particular, women's attempts to survive in the face of early abuse and poverty. Some even have posited that mandatory sentencing for certain drug-related crimes has all but forced the increase of women in the correctional system and, primarily, women with diagnosable psychiatric illnesses.

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