Skip to main content icon/video/no-internet

In On War (1833), the Prussian military officer Karl von Clausewitz (1780–1831) described war as the continuation “of political intercourse…with the intermixing of other means,” which has often been misquoted as “War is the continuation of policy by other means.” William Tecumseh Sherman (1820–91), the Union general who captured and burned Atlanta during the Civil War in 1864, is often quoted as having said: “I am tired and sick of war. Its glory is all moonshine…. War is hell.” Whether viewed as simply an escalation of policy in the normal relations among nations or as the undoubted horror it can be to those caught up in it, going to war is an extreme step for any nation to take.

“I am tired and sick of war. Its glory is all moonshine…. War is hell.”

—Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman

According to James Madison in essay 41 of The Federalist (1787–88) (see Federalist Papers), “Security against foreign danger is one of the primitive objects of civil society. It is an avowed and essential object of the American Union. The powers requisite for attaining it must be effectually confided to the federal councils. Is the power of declaring war necessary? No man will answer this question in the negative.”

The constitutions of most nations lodge the power to declare war, and also peace, in the national legislature. For example, the constitution of the Netherlands (1814, as amended) mandates: “A declaration that the kingdom is in a state of war shall not be made without the prior approval of the states general [parliament].” A few countries, including Italy and Japan, repudiate or renounce war as an option of government policy.

Declared Wars

In the U.S. Constitution, Article I, section 8, grants Congress the power “To declare War…” as well as the authority to raise and support armies, make rules for land and naval forces, and call out the state militias in time of emergency. Yet in Article II the Constitution designates the president as the commander in chief of the armed forces. To protect against a president’s becoming a military dictator, using the armed forces without any checks or balances on his power, the Separation of Powers principle on which the Constitution is based splits between the legislative branch and the executive branch the power to declare and fund a war and the power to direct military forces.

Although the United States has been at war on many occasions, Congress has formally declared war in only five cases: the War of 1812 (1812–14) against Great Britain, the Mexican War (1846–48), the Spanish-American War (1898), World War I (1914–18; U.S. declared in 1917), and World War II (1939–45; U.S. declared in 1941). During the two world wars, Congress enacted many laws that tightly controlled the nation’s economy and delegated power to the president to take actions necessary for the successful prosecution of the war, such as taking over factories, railroads, and the systems of communications, as well as setting prices and regulating factory production—measures that most likely would be found unconstitutional during peacetime. During the undeclared Korean War (1950–53), the attempt by President Harry S. Truman (1884–1972) to take over the nation’s steel mills, without approval by Congress, was held unconstitutional by the Supreme Court in Youngstown Sheet and Tube Co. v. Sawyer (1952) (see Emergency Powers). More recently, in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld (2006), the Court decided by a 5–3 vote that, absent congressional authorization, the president does not have authority as commander in chief to try Guantanamo Bay detainees in the war on terror by the type of military commissions created by the executive branch for this purpose.

...

locked icon

Sign in to access this content

Get a 30 day FREE TRIAL

  • Watch videos from a variety of sources bringing classroom topics to life
  • Read modern, diverse business cases
  • Explore hundreds of books and reference titles

Sage Recommends

We found other relevant content for you on other Sage platforms.

Loading