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In The Laws, a dialogue about constructing a constitution for a new colony, Plato, the Greek philosopher of the fourth century B.C.E., devoted an entire section to commercial law. Aristotle, his younger contemporary, also addressed commerce but concluded that in the best governed state, whose men are absolutely just “and not merely relative to…the constitution, the citizens must not lead the life of artisans or tradesmen….” By the eighteenth century, commerce and trade were more respectable endeavors. William Blackstone (1723–80), in his Commentaries on the Laws of England (1765–70), declared offenses against public trade to be one of the five major categories of crime and misdemeanors.

“The spirit of enterprise, which characterizes the commercial part of America, has left no occasion of displaying itself unimproved.”

—Alexander Hamilton

From the beginning of England’s colonization of North America, trade and commerce were important activities. According to Alexander Hamilton in essay 7 of The Federalist (1787–88) (see Federalist Papers), “The spirit of enterprise, which characterizes the commercial part of America, has left no occasion of displaying itself unimproved.” James Madison noted in essay 42 that the perceived lack of power to regulate commerce between the states was a major defect in the Articles of Confederation (1781) and was the primary reason for calling the Constitutional Convention of 1787.

The Commerce Clause

The Constitution’s commerce clause, included in Article I, section 8, declares: “The Congress shall have Power…To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes….” This language is significant because it encouraged a nationwide policy governing commercial activity, thus fostering free trade among the states, and it provided a tool for extending the national government’s power into the states. The commerce clause and the cases relating to it that have come before the Supreme Court are also particularly helpful in understanding the evolution of federalism in the United States. Although the Framers of the Constitution clearly intended to charge the national government with the regulation of commerce with foreign nations and Native Americans, the extent of its power to regulate interstate and even intrastate commerce has often been the subject of great controversy.

Two ferry operators in New York first brought the issue to the Supreme Court in 1824. Licensed by a firm granted a monopoly by a 1798 state law, Aaron Ogden operated a steam-driven ferry between New Jersey and New York City. Thomas Gibbons had a permit under the federal Coastal Licensing Act (1793) for his own two boats, which he defiantly ran to New York despite Ogden’s license. After New York courts granted Ogden an injunction against his rival, Gibbons appealed to the Supreme Court. On the question of whether New York could grant such exclusive rights and thus exclude Gibbons from New York’s waters, Chief Justice John Marshall, writing in Gibbons v. Ogden, determined that it could not because Congress’s regulating power over commerce among the states does not stop at the state lines but may be exercised within a state.

Another important case, Cooley v. Board of Wardens (1851), however, allowed state regulation of commerce in purely local matters. A Pennsylvania statute required that vessels entering or leaving the port of Philadelphia have local pilots, whose specialized knowledge was necessary to safely navigate the port’s waters. The Supreme Court upheld the state statute on the grounds that unless the subject to be regulated required a uniform national policy, states were permitted to regulate local commerce as long as the federal government had not enacted a preemptive law concerning it.

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