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Cisnormativity
Cisnormativity is the presumption that most people do, or should, conform to the norms about gender assignment in their society. It may manifest as the assumption that everyone by default chooses to accept the gender that their parents or societal authorities have assigned to them, or the assumption that all cultures by default have a gender binary that is similar to or based on U.S. or Western European cultural norms. This may include the use of marked language to describe people who do not fit a culture’s gender binary. For example, cisnormative behavior could involve referring to people as “trans women” or “trans men,” where other people are simply described as “women” or “men.” It may also rest on the premise that, if someone is transgender, they must still fit into their society’s gender binary; for instance, trans women should be especially “feminine” and not “butch” or “masculine,” and trans men should be especially “masculine” and not “femme” or “feminine.” Cisnormativity ignores or devalues the ways in which people individually express their gender or actively challenge gender norms, and it may dismiss the validity of trans experience and identity altogether.
The term comes from the Latin prefix cis, meaning “on the same side as,” and the noun gender, from the Latin genus, meaning “kind” or “type,” as opposed to transgender, which comes from the Latin prefix trans, meaning “on the opposite side,” and Latin genus. The concept of cisnormativity relies on an underlying assumption that people can be divided neatly into a binary of cisgender versus transgender—a notion that has been critiqued in recent years. Cisnormativity is itself a form of cisgenderism, an ideology that treats some people’s genders and bodies as less legitimate than others and challenges how people define and understand their own genders and bodies.
Development of Theories of Gender
Societies across Asia, Africa, and the Americas have long had more than two traditionally recognized genders, and each society has its own approach to gender. For example, there may be several genders like those of the Bugis people of Sulawesi, Indonesia, who have five distinct genders. Gender may not be a central organizing principle in other societies. For example, Oyèrónkẹ́ Oyěwùmí describes how a person’s role, which has been classified as “gender” by colonial scholars, can change entirely depending on the context of a social interaction and explained that the concepts of “woman” and “man” were not fundamental categories of human difference in Yorùbá society prior to colonization. Oyèwùmí critiqued biological essentialism in Eurocentric feminist notions of gender.
Unfortunately, modern academic theories of gender have largely ignored thought from outside of English-speaking and European traditions. Within the Greco-Roman tradition that influenced European thinking, Galen’s (b. 129 C.E.) theory of bodily humors determined people’s views on what constituted a man or a woman. This approach differs from many contemporary views, as Galen held that when bodily humors changed, people would then metamorphose into having the physiological characteristics of another binary gender. It is important to note that Galen’s ancient Hellenistic approach, which was dominant in Europe until the 1500s, did not differentiate clearly between gender and sex—the latter of which, in the English-speaking sense, is a 20th-century development. In many European languages, there are no traditional words that can be readily adapted to differentiate these two concepts. Outside of Greco-Roman thought, there were, and still are, many societies in which shifting between gender/sex categories could be achieved through self-declaration or public ritual. Such societies place varying degrees of importance on social and physical aspects of gender/sex.
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