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Nativism

Nativist approaches to language acquisition maintain that humans are born with complex, innate linguistic knowledge, often referred to as a language acquisition device containing universal grammar (UG), which constrains and facilitates the process of language learning, depending on appropriate language input. Generally concomitant with this approach are assumptions that linguistic knowledge is domain specific and therefore not derivable from general cognitive knowledge and, furthermore, that language acquisition is subject to a critical period and is compromised in cases of degraded or delayed input. Current acquisition research within the nativist tradition stems from Noam Chomsky’s landmark criticism of B. F. Skinner’s behaviorist proposal, which characterized language learning as a process of stimulus and response. Chomsky argued that behaviorist approaches fail to account for the fact that children understand and produce sentences they have never heard before, as well as the observation that adults typically respond to grammatically incorrect utterances produced by young children without providing negative feedback. Chomsky proposed that these facts are more consistent with the view that children learn language by actively constructing and testing grammatical rules, based on analysis of patterns in the input and guided by UG. These rules generate all and only grammatical utterances in the target language, a central tenet of generative linguistics; nativist approaches to language acquisition are thus largely synonymous with generative approaches.

Sign language research has played an important role in testing nativist predictions. For instance, if universal grammar is truly universal, it should be available regardless of language modality. Accordingly, a major area of sign language research investigates the degree to which the underlying principles observed for spoken languages apply to sign languages, and vice versa. Sign language research also informs the development of linguistic theories to account for language acquisition, organization, and interaction in either modality. Finally, if UG is subject to a critical period, as are other innate systems such as vision, then delayed exposure to usable language input should result in atypical developmental patterns. Deaf children with normal intelligence who are raised in nonsigning environments have long been studied as test cases for this proposal, because their access to usable linguistic input is degraded, absent, and/or severely delayed.

Universality and Comparisons Across Modalities

The Chomskian view of language and language acquisition dominated linguistic research through the 1970s and 1980s, so many early sign language researchers during that period tacitly assumed a nativist view but focused mainly on demonstrating the striking similarities between natural sign languages and spoken languages. Studies by Ursula Bellugi and others argued convincingly that sign languages are organized in fundamentally the same way as spoken languages, displaying common phonological, morphological, lexical, and syntactic processes. Research on the acquisition of sign languages during this period focused heavily on native first-language (L1) acquisition by deaf children receiving early and consistent exposure to a natural sign language from Deaf families. Some researchers, such as Laura-Ann Petitto, concluded that the basic course of language acquisition is largely unaffected by modality, confirming the amodal and universal nature of the human language faculty. The developmental trajectory of these native signing children largely paralleled that of hearing children learning spoken languages, consistent with the view that UG guides language development regardless of modality. These early studies, which emphasized the universal and amodal nature of the language faculty, were instrumental to establishing sign languages as fully complex natural languages, equivalent to spoken languages in every way.

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