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Deaf Learners, Cognition of

The study of deaf learners’ cognitive strategies has a relatively short history in the United States and little study elsewhere in the world. This review provides a historical summary of the views toward the abilities of learners who are deaf in relation to their use of higher-level cognitive strategies; it then describes the results of important research studies in relation to cognitive functioning of learners who are deaf; it then presents the effects of important cognitive strategies on development actions; and it concludes with a statement of future needs and directions for the field of education, as a means of establishing an agenda for continuing efforts to ensure that learners who are deaf are indeed able to achieve their full cognitive potential in the years ahead.

The term cognitive strategies refers to a variety of higher-order mental processes that underlie all subject matter and relate directly or indirectly to applications to schools, social life, family life, and the workplace. Such processes include comparison, categorization, sequencing, logical conclusions, organization, analysis, general problem solving, problem identification, pattern identification, hypothesizing, identification of assumptions, drawing of reasoned conclusions, and synthesis, among others; they are embedded within subject matter. In sum, cognitive processes relate to acquiring, retaining, and retrieving knowledge.

Studies of Cognitive Functioning

The history of attitudes in the hearing world toward expectations for deaf persons’ cognitive development is varied and long. A look at the Old Testament reveals an admonishment to the Hebrews not to curse the deaf; the inference is that there would have been no need for such an admonishment if the hearing community had not exhibited a condescending attitude. Moving rapidly forward in time to classical Greek times, Aristotle is reported to have said that the ear is the organ of instruction; the inference is that if one could not hear, one could not be educated. Moving to Renaissance times, a breakthrough of sorts occurred—independently, some educators in several Western European countries in the 16th and 17th centuries were able to teach some deaf persons to speak (presumably through oral methods such as lipreading); at that time, the right conclusion was reached for the wrong reason—that if some deaf people could be taught to speak, then these individuals could be viewed as intelligent. This view toward deaf learners equated ability to speak and intelligence.

Moving still further forward into the early 20th century, some researchers reviewed the available information on the intelligence of deaf persons and, in spite of the sometimes-contradictory results, concluded that deaf children had inferior intelligence. In 1924–1925, the United States’ National Research Council reported that deaf people were between two and three years “retarded” in comparison to hearing persons in their response to the Pintner Non-Language Mental Test. In the 1950s, other researchers attributed a “concrete” nature to the intelligence of deaf persons, indicating that deafness restricts the learner to a world of “concrete objects and things.”

Finally, during the 1960s, forward progress was clear. Hans Furth, a highly regarded psychological researcher, concluded that the poorer performance of deaf persons on some cognitive tests could be explained either by a limited access to language experience (e.g., denied access to signing community) or by the features of those tests that favored hearing persons. Two significant reviews of studies then drew together the mounting evidence for the equality of deaf and hearing persons’ thinking processes.

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