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United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia
aka Group of Colombia
Led by Carlo Castano, the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia; AUC) is a right-wing paramilitary group formed in 1984 to combat guerrilla militias in Colombia. Its use of terror to destroy the guerrillas' support base has made it a feared and powerful force in that country.
Since the mid-1960s, the Colombian government has been fighting several leftist terror groups; the two largest are the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN). The activities of these groups, combined with the cocaine industry (in which the FARC is heavily involved) have made Colombia a very dangerous country. In addition to bombing, extortion, and attacks on military bases and oil pipelines, both the ELN and the FARC have used kidnapping for ransom as a major source of revenue. Initiated in the late 1970s, kidnappings had become endemic in Colombia by the 1980s.
In the early 1980s, confronted by violence that the government seemed unable to master, right-wing businessmen, ranchers, and members of the military began to train and arm vigilante militias to combat guerrilla forces in their areas. One of the largest such groups was called Muerte a Secuestrados (MAS), which means “death to kidnappers.” MAS was led by Carlo Castano, whose father, a rancher, had been kidnapped by guerrillas and murdered when the Castano family could not meet the full ransom demand. The groups, seen as a way for ordinary people to strike back at the guerrillas, were and continue to be popular with much of the public. Their methods, however, are brutal; for the most part, those killed in the 1980s by the MAS and other vigilantes were not armed guerrillas but unarmed peasants accused of sympathizing with the guerrilla cause. By 1983, Amnesty International accused MAS of more than 800 extra-judicial killings.
In 1984, the Colombian government initiated a short-lived truce with the guerrilla groups; many hardline elements in the military and business communities completely opposed the truce. Support for the vigilantes increased, and they soon formed a coalition, calling themselves United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia; Castano quickly became the leader.
As the AUC grew larger, it began to move beyond the control of the right-wingers who had originally funded it, becoming more like a private army for Castano. Members attacked villages with roving columns of up to several hundred fighters; the AUC's forces lived in jungle camps but also maintained a presence in captured towns. As the AUC took over more villages, it gained control of coca-producing areas. The AUC then took on the protection of traffickers and growers—just as the guerrillas had—and like the guerrillas, the AUC charged the drug lords handsomely for the service. That drug money enabled the AUC to equip its fighters with modern weapons and communication equipment, and to pay them a wage much better that that of the average Colombian. Perhaps more important, it also allowed them to pay hefty sums to guerrilla informers, enabling conquered villages to be purged of sympathizers.
Support and Collusion
Many in Colombia's official armed forces are in sympathy with the AUC's aims. Poor equipment and training, corruption, and tactical disadvantages have long stymied the Army's efforts to combat the guerrillas; the international community has until very recently been reluctant to provide military aid to Colombia because of the Army's human rights record. Many within the Army seem willing to offer the AUC clandestine support, feeling that its brutal tactics are the only effective response to the guerrilla threat. Several major instances suggest intelligence sharing and tactical support between the AUC and the Army have come to light, and significant disparities are apparent in the number of guerrillas and AUC members arrested by the Army.
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- Continuity Irish Republican Army (Northern Ireland)
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