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Social mobility is a fundamental aspiration in most societies. In the world's most affluent countries, mobility rates have become politically sensitive because of the way they express underlying principles of meritocracy and equality of opportunity. In societies where individuals are liberated from their social class at birth, through the intervention of education and labor market opportunities, these goals are thought to have been realized. Conversely, where the influence of family origins is strong and hence limits individual life chances, a pervasive sense of unfairness and resentment of inherited privilege or misfortune may prevail. Mobility refers to an individual or group's ability to move up or down economic and social strata. Whereas intragenerational mobility refers to movement up or down within one's lifetime, intergenerational mobility refers to mobility across generations.

There are two ways of conceptualizing mobility—absolute or relative. Absolute mobility refers to whether a person has more or less income, wealth, occupational status, or education than his or her parents at the same age. Relative mobility, by contrast, denotes the changing position of individuals compared to others in the distribution. Most empirical research on mobility patterns focuses on the likelihood of upward mobility. However, the converse—downward mobility—is not only possible but also in periods of economic downturns increasingly likely at both intragenerational and intergenerational levels. The experience produces high levels of economic and social insecurity as individuals plummet down the social ladder and generations discover that they cannot hope to attain similar levels of material well-being at the same age as their parents, if they can do so at all.

Mobility and Inequality

Mobility and inequality are related to one another in a number of ways. The very structure of inequality is consequential for mobility prospects. In societies characterized by high levels of inequality, with weak systems of redistribution through taxation and public spending, those who are born into the top or bottom quintiles are likely to stay there over their lifetime and across generations. Societies of this kind experience “stickiness at the ends.” Conversely, societies that are highly redistributive may be able to break the links between origins and destinations, even if they are unequal. Though there is not a necessary relationship between inequality and social mobility, recent research suggests a negative relationship between within-country inequality and mobility—a finding that Alan Krueger refers to as the Great Gatsby Curve. Specifically, across countries, greater income inequality at a point in time is associated with less generational earnings mobility. These are countries in which the middle “hollows out” and the population is polarized at either end. When people experience downward mobility in such societies, they have further to fall down the social ladder.

In addition to economic inequality, downward mobility intersects with a number of other axes of inequality. For example, female-headed households are more likely to experience downward mobility than male-headed or two-parent families, and African Americans are more likely than whites to experience downward economic mobility. Those who are more privileged and have been able to turn that advantage into protective credentials, like higher levels of educational attainment, are less likely to experience downward economic mobility.

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