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Religion
Sociology of religion experienced renewed vigor in the last quarter of the twentieth century, paralleling a coincident resurgence of traditional religion in much, although not all, of the world. For several decades in the middle of the century, years bracketed by the emergence of Talcott Parsons as a social theorist in the 1930s and the campaign of Jimmy Carter for U.S. president in the 1970s, Western social theorists broadly assumed that traditional religion was fated either to retreat into insignificance or to merge into the universalistic value system of modern society. Such assumptions became untenable in view of the growing public confidence of evangelicalism and corresponding malaise of liberal Protestantism in the United States and the rise of militant Islam in the Middle East. Soon, theorists' attention was drawn to the worldwide rise of Islamism and Pentecostalism, Evangelicalism's close cousin, and “fundamentalist” variants of all faiths. Some assertively “progressive,” yet recognizably religious forces, such as the civil rights and sanctuary movements in the United States, also gained notice. Religion as conventionally defined—beliefs and practices centered on communal devotion to a god or some other representation of sacredness—was back on theorists' agenda. This article will briefly discuss the theoretical issue of defining “religion,” will then unpack at length the elaborate but frequently unsatisfactory debate over “secularization,” and will conclude with theorists' attempts to understand the role of religion as one among many persistent societal and cultural complexes in contemporary society.
Defining Religion
Durkheim's classic definition, paraphrased above, is always the starting point for sociologists, especially his recognition that religion involves at least two dimensions, a cognitive or propositional one and a ritual or behavioral one. He deferred to commonsense social constructions to the extent of accepting Buddhism as a religion, despite the absence of theism in its classic formulations. Thus, for Durkheim, not theism but “the sacred” must be the defining characteristic of the phenomenon. He also insisted that religion pertained to a moral community: a “private religion” would be a contradiction in terms. Durkheim's influence was not least in setting off extensive discussion on what came to be called “substantive” versus “functional” definitions of religion, the former corresponding to Durkheim's “sacred”—what religion is—and the latter to his “community”—what religion does. In the middle of the century, the possibility that the future might belong to one or another of the warring political ideologies of the time gave theorists reason to assess the potential of movements such as fascism or communism as functional successors to the religions of the past. By the end of the century, however, those possibilities seemed increasingly remote, and conceptual attention reverted to the substantive question of what it is that defines religion. The desideratum was a definition that would encompass not only the conventionally recognized world religions (i.e., Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, Hinduism, Judaism, etc.) but also newer, smaller, more indigenous and more subaltern religions such as Scientology, Wicca, Voodoo, and Shamanism. As with Durkheim, at issue was whether attributes such as gods (or goddesses), the supernatural, and the sacred could sufficiently capture this diversity without privileging one or another variant. Just as “god” may be a limiting concept confined to the Abrahamic faiths, so also “the sacred” may carry its own theological baggage. Recently, Rodney Stark, in One True God (2001), has proposed not a new definition but a proposition that only religions with a personal, monotheistic god have power to shape history. In this view, some religions, especially the Abrahamic faiths, are more powerful than others, especially Buddhism. Many of those who oppose Stark's formulation of rational choice theory (see below) would agree at least that there is something distinctive about religion by definition that should not be lost in the urge to generalize about all human activity. The result of these two discussions (i.e., the one in regard to Durkheim's definition of religion, the other in regard to the critique of rational choice theory) is that for the purposes of social theory, religion remains what it is conventionally taken to mean.
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