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Stalking first became recognized as a crime in the United States in the late 1980s. After the highly publicized stalking and murder of television actress Rebecca Schafer in 1989, as well as several other stalking murders and attempts, stalking moved onto the public's radar. Legislation criminalizing stalking followed these tragic, and potentially foreseeable, events. California was the first state to adopt legislation defining stalking as a criminal offense in 1990. Other states followed in short order. Since 1994, all 50 states have similar classifications.

The National Center for Victims of Crime estimates that 1 out of 12 women and 1 out of 45 men will be stalking victims during their lifetimes. Thus, during any given year, nearly 1,000,000 women and 400,000 men experience an episode of stalking.

Despite the staggering prevalence of stalking, it remained relatively unnoticed until only recently, and even then, policymakers have had difficulty with its definition. Undoubtedly, some of these difficulties stem from the orientation of the criminal justice system: that one is innocent until proven guilty and one cannot be arrested without some type of justification. Prior to stalking legislation, a victim might have reported her stalker to the police only to be told that they could not do anything because “he (she) hasn't done anything wrong (yet).” Now, while specifics vary across states, most statutes include definitions that convey that (a) the behavior is a course of conduct that is unwanted and harassing, causing substantial emotional distress and serving no legitimate purpose; and (b) the offender must pose a credible threat to the safety of the victim, her family, or friends. Most recently, lawmakers added cyberstalk-ing to the growing ways in which stalkers threaten and frighten their victims.

The Problem of Definition

Interpreting the definitions and behaviors of stalking is problematic. For one, how many acts does it take to determine that certain behaviors create a “pattern” or “course” of conduct? Further, the terms credible and threat are complicated. For example, how serious does one have to be to be considered credible or reasonable? Presumably standards for reasonable fear could be different for males and for females; if so, which standard should we use, or should they be different? Further, must threats be verbal? Could threats be written? Do they have to be clear and direct, or can they be implied?

Similarly, typical or usual (and completely understandable) victims' responses often jeopardize their cases as well as their positions and significance as “victims” in the eyes of the criminal justice system. To illustrate, many victims engage in what are called “acquiescent strategies”; that is, assenting to their stalkers to some small extent so that “he would stay cool.” Law enforcement personnel may see the victim as being unsure of what she wants or leading the stalker on. Another example is that many stalkers engage in “courtship”-like behaviors (e.g., leaving a rose on the windshield of the victim's car, professing love, begging the victim to return). While the victim is aware of the true meaning and threatening nature of these “romantic” displays, others, such as criminal justice personnel, may see these seemingly insignificant behaviors as no cause for worrying or being concerned. Such issues regarding the definition of stalking may negatively impact victims' experiences with the criminal justice system as well as the ability of criminal justice personnel to adequately protect the victim. As such, many victims of stalking do not report their harassment to the police or do so only minimally.

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