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Small groups of people tending to makeshift structures of an encampment, disheveled men rummaging through garbage cans for food, and young women with small children lining up outside of shelters have become common sights across the world's leading cities. This widespread growth in homelessness has been linked with economic, demographic, and cultural trends that have come to be known as “globalization”—the spread of manufacturing and financial activity across borders, heightened immigration, and the global ascendance of neoliberal ideology which favors free markets over government intervention. However, it is clear that these global trends interact with local conditions, such that the number and characteristics of people who become homeless may vary greatly across locales. Taking the United States as a case, what are the specific structural and demographic manifestations and correlates of its homeless problem? What factors influence whether or not homelessness is perceived as a social problem? Also, what are the different types of public policy responses that have emerged to address this persistent problem?

Structural Precipitants and Demographic Characteristics

As homelessness significantly increased throughout America's urban landscape in the early 1980s, two opposing explanations emerged. The first laid blame on individual characteristics such as human capital deficits (e.g., limited education and job skills), substance abuse, mental illness, and criminality. The second pointed to broad structural changes in labor and housing markets and welfare provisions. However, it is now generally understood that homelessness is the result of the interaction of structural and individual factors. Structural factors help explain why the prospect of homelessness, particularly among some categories of individuals, has increased in recent years; individual factors help to identify who, among those groups most vulnerable to homelessness, is at greatest risk of becoming homeless.

Structural Precipitants

Economic Changes

As American manufacturing stagnated throughout the 1970s because of increased international competition and a series of oil shocks, firms began to close domestic plants and restructure workforces, displacing workers and driving up unemployment. Newly created jobs were more likely to be nonunion and concentrated in services, low paying, and unstable. A surge in immigration increased competition for low-skill jobs, especially disadvantaging urban residents with low educational attainment. A cheap form of cocaine called “crack” flooded the streets and significant numbers of inner-city residents used or trafficked the drug, rendering some of them vulnerable to addiction, felony conviction, and homelessness. In the early 1980s, early 1990s, and in the early post-9/11 period, cyclical economic recessions produced spikes in unemployment and forced firms to reduce labor costs to remain competitive.

Welfare Retrenchment

At the same time, the welfare state was being scaled back, beginning most notably in the early 1980s. While deinstitutionalization of large-scale state mental hospitals had begun decades earlier, sufficient funding for community-based mental health facilities, intended to replace large mental institutions, never materialized. As a result, many persons who would have been in mental hospitals in previous decades received insufficient mental health treatment and cycled through the streets, shelters, and jails. Also in the early 1980s, the federal government took measures to keep benefit levels low for households in the Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) program and restricted eligibility for benefits through the Supplemental Security Income program. Later, the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act of 1996 replaced AFDC with Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, a program with time limits on receipt of welfare benefits and job training. Although many participants in this program have found employment, evidence suggests that many find jobs that fail to lift them out of poverty.

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