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Neighborhood Organizations
Research and scholarship on the subject of neighborhood organizations have not taken the concept either of neighborhood or of neighborhood organization for granted. Although both terms have a provenance stretching back into the earliest days of the sociological tradition, they have come in for sustained interrogation over the last several decades. Therefore, a look into neighborhood organizations as they pertain to social networks begins with an examination of how the concept of neighborhood has evolved in the literature and various notions of neighborhood organization. A range of debates surround neighborhood organizations, most prominently the relationship with crime, poverty, and the determinants of participation and representation within voluntary neighborhood organizations.
The literature on neighborhood organizations testifies to a secular decline and gradual reinvigoration of interest in the neighborhood as a locus of effective and viable social organization. While the earliest documenters of neighborhood functioning believed that neighborhoods were a natural cradle for strong social ties, recent scholars share the skepticism of 1960s and 1970s researchers with regard to the “natural community” hypothesis of urban neighborhoods. Instead, current research is more liable to be interested in the determinants of effective neighborhood organizations, particularly race and poverty and how they affect levels of participation and representation within such organizations. Neighborhood organizations are also understood in a variety of ways, including state-sponsored, nonprofit, and for-profit service providers as well as neighborhood-based voluntary organizations.
Definitional issues have assumed centrality, because in research on neighborhood organizations, the descriptive and the prescriptive have from the beginning been closely intertwined. Much research has been driven by crucial policy questions about how and where to intervene in the urban arena to provide services and public goods to citizens. The spatial correlates of social networks in urban areas are key to understanding and answering these questions.
Neighborhoods and Networks
In early paradigms of the city, the neighborhood as a geographic construct emerged as a natural locus of notions of community and social cohesion. As Sudhir Venkatesh and other intellectual historians of urban sociology have highlighted, this process found its first and clearest articulation in the mapping of 20th-century Chicago. Drawing on a human ecology perspective on urbanism, researchers from the Chicago school of sociology such as Ernest Burgess and Robert Parks used the city of Chicago as the “social laboratory” for testing and validating the theory.
Such an ecological understanding saw the city and its spatial organization in organic terms as the outcome of processes of selection and competition among different social groups for scarce resources such as land. In this model, neighborhoods emerged as relatively stable and differentiated, interdependent and symbiotic but ultimately “natural” spatial entities. The ethnic enclave, produced by the geographic clustering of ethnic, particularly immigrant, groups around common economic activities or industries, was the paradigmatic example of such a “natural community” model of neighborhoods. Thus, within the heterogeneity of the early 20th-century city, the neighborhood was an island of homogeneity and social cohesion, the prototype of the rural community within the urban context. Within the philosophical and pedagogical framework of pragmatism, wherein the production of knowledge was intimately tied to its uses, such an approach yielded a division of the city of Chicago into 75 community areas that served as census tracts as well as service areas for charitable and social service organizations, apart from many other administrative purposes.
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