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The history of Haiti is similar to that of other once-colonized nations, displaying economic, class, gender, religious, and ethnic inequalities. As Deepa Naraya argues, when Haiti gained independence in 1804, two social groups emerged: one composed of newly freed slaves who fought for personal freedom and another of the small class of freed people who had fought for the economic and political autonomy of the nation. The result of this original cleavage is a society deeply divided and polarized between its urban and rural areas. Haitian society possesses informal connections among power circles and a rich social capital only at local levels.

Vestiges of Decolonization

Networks in urban areas reflect the segregation that is the product of a complex decolonization process. Two groups are clearly separated: the inhabitants of large urban slums and those who dwell in privileged gated communities.

Haiti's rural zone is organized into solid local groups whose actors are bound by relations of interdependence; the links to other local groups are based on emotive relations, dispersed family networks, and trade. Small-scale agriculture provides the main subsistence for these local networks. Because of frequent natural disasters, this economic activity is very vulnerable; however, it forms the base for the formation of different interest groups. For example, the small cooperatives of coffee producers that have established fair trade networks within the country reveal the strong ties and common values between rural actors.

As demonstrated by various studies, social capital in Haiti is employed locally to protect networks. However, local groups with high levels of social capital also experience extreme poverty. Since the local spheres remain economically weak, interdependence and family bonds are crucial for the survival of groups. Haitian society is often described as a cluster of dispersed family networks, providing the backdrop for the relationship of the country's social life to strong family ties, both at the national and transnational levels. Social space is a product of several local networks, each self-governed, stable, and autonomous, and based on reciprocal and interdependent relationships. These networks are independent and often detached from other groups, whether at the local or the national level. In fact, several authors interpret the poverty and violent instability of the state as a result of the clusters of disconnected networks.

The role of networks within power circles in Haiti is understood in the context of different spheres. There are various groups informally interacting with political actors, and it is possible to identify informal religious, economic, and familial connections within the ruling groups of the country. Since economic and familial bonds exist mainly within local networks, religious ties have become the most widespread type of informal links between local, national, and transnational groups.

The religious actors are embedded in local spheres, and they implement pragmatic strategies to improve the living conditions of communities. In order to stabilize their communities in Haiti, transnational religious networks support and influence local groups and vice versa. The restructuring of religious spaces follows the rural exodus, enhances the bonds between the country and immigrants, and brings religious ties to urban networks, acting as a counterweight to existing inequalities.

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