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The use of network analysis to conceptualize and analyze the social organization of gangs has a long history, but it is still not common in the burgeoning literature on gangs. Social network analysis is particularly suited to the study of social groups such as gangs, where the principles of the group's organization and functioning, the level of formality of its organization, and even the existence of the group as such are all unknown or the subject of significant disagreement. The only assumption needed to apply network analysis to the study of gangs is that some of their members, or putative members, have some kind of ties to some others. Most other approaches to the study of gangs require stronger and potentially incorrect or misleading assumptions: for example, that gangs have a corporate identity expressed in certain practices and identifying regalia; that there is a clear distinction between members and nonmembers, or between different degrees of membership; that gangs have some degree of internal structure expressed in a stable system of roles; or that they are based on race, ethnicity, and/or territory. Network analysis is agnostic on all of these questions and has been used to empirically determine the degree to which these characteristics and many others are applicable in a given situation. Network analysis has even been used to ask whether or not gangs actually exist.

The use of network analysis to study gangs and delinquent groups dates back at least to the pioneering study of juvenile delinquency in Chicago, published by Clifford Shaw and Henry McKay in 1931. In this study, they used an affiliation matrix to record and depict the successive gang memberships and participation in crimes—both alone and with co-offenders (accomplices)—of one young gang member. They concluded from their network analysis that this boy's progression from petty larceny to car theft and armed robbery was probably due to attitudes and techniques learned as a result of his gang affiliations. In 1934, Jacob Moreno published a sociometric study of relationships among delinquent girls at the Hudson School, Who Shall Survive, which many writers count as the birth of social network analysis. During the 1960s and 1970s, several gang researchers used simple sociograms (drawings of social networks) to visualize the structures of the delinquent groups they were studying.

Do Gangs Really Exist?

Network analysis has been used to address one of the central questions in research on gangs: to what extent can they be said to exist? Do gangs exhibit sufficient organizational structure and boundaries, and stability over time in structure and membership, to justify asserting their existence as recognizable entities? Or are they merely loose-knit, shifting, temporary alliances of unorganized delinquent youth? Is the group of teenage boys who appear so alarming to adults as they approach them on the street really a gang? Or is it merely a group of boisterous teenagers hanging out harmlessly together? Frederic Thrasher's classic study of street gangs in Chicago, published in 1927, depicted them as highly organized and cohesive, with well-defined organizational roles, such as president, war counselor, treasurer, and armorer. However, network analysis of gangs, using data on the relationships among sets of identified and self-identified gang members, have found little evidence of hierarchical social structure or of formal organization. Rather, they have found social structures very similar to those of ordinary adolescent friendship networks: small, densely connected groups, or cliques, with two to a dozen or so members, loosely connected to other such cliques within the larger network. Role differentiation tends to be minimal; although positions such as president, and so forth, may be reported by members, the content of such positions and the actual influence of their occupants are nebulous. Gang members often disagree when asked who occupies what position or role in the gang and what their responsibilities are. Members' prestige rankings are reported more reliably than organizational roles. Some research has found that the personal networks of gang members cross gang boundaries: members of a gang are friendly with members of other gangs, and such ties are in some cases stronger than ties to fellow gang members. These cross-gang connections create social flexibility and further attenuate intragang cohesion and identity. Network analyses have also found little evidence of temporal stability of organizational structure or of membership. Some network researchers have concluded that gangs are so unstable in structure and membership that the terms gang and delinquent group are misnomers.

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