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The phrase “Scientists agree that …” is ubiquitous in the popular press. Such statements are employed to sell pharmaceuticals, inspire conservation efforts, and alert the public about health emergencies. Only rarely are these politically or economically motivated statements entirely true, and even when scientists do agree, the assertion that “scientists agree” masks the considerable effort made to achieve agreement.

Still, scientists are motivated to achieve consensus. The concise definition, the identifiable single causal agent, and the elegant proof are the anticipated ends to frenzied, even messy searches or years of deliberate and tedious investigation. The excited conversation, the multiple theories, and the competition are expected to eventually subside, leaving the simple factlike statement—X is the cause of Y, or X is Y—distributed in textbooks and protected from unraveling by that hard coating of grammar. This grammar is ideally reserved for only those conclusions that have gone through the rituals of community agreement and demonstration. Or, at least, the community expects factlike statements to be what they seem to be—indications that the frenzied or tedious search has come to an end and a consensus has been achieved.

Yet just as agreement is the goal, disagreement is the catalyst of scientific progress. While every scientific discipline contains a set of core observations, procedures, and theories generally agreed to be accurate, useful, and true—the textbook knowledge of the discipline—no discipline would progress without disagreement. All good scientists hope to identify an unsolved problem, an undiscovered agent, a new disease, a new method that will disrupt and challenge consensus. And all good communication scholars examining agreement in science hope to identify the ways scientists convince each other that their challenge to the consensus, from the modest alteration to the heretical, is credible.

Theories About Scientific Consensus

Communication researchers, along with researchers from other science studies disciplines, study the social dimensions of science and reject the view, now considered naive, that science is a wholly objective, inductive process. The objectivist episte-mology holds that consensus is a natural outgrowth of induction and technical resolution. If the fundamental method of science involves generalization from data, then shared data will necessarily induce a consensus among scientists who behave rationally. Yet the objectivist epistemology does not explain those moments in the history of science when scientists could cling to theories that have been deemed, in retrospect, incorrect.

Why, for example, did some scientists believe that women and people of color were less intelligent than Caucasian males on the basis of skull size? How could people who called themselves scientists believe humans to be divided into different species, with some whose members had white skin considered superior to other “species” of humans? These and other less egregiously mistaken theories demonstrate that scientists are, like all human beings, influenced by cultural preconceptions, political commitments, and the sway of language.

So if science is not completely objective, then how is scientific knowledge produced? One important explanation is that mature science is paradigmatic: That is, through shared practice and observation, a field develops a set of methods and explanatory theories that serve to identify and solve the problems that arise. Scientists in any field share a commitment to the paradigm as long as the methods and theories are reliable. But when an anomaly arises that cannot be studied or predicted by the tools of the paradigm, then new methods and theories must be developed, and the old paradigm eventually disintegrates.

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