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Mollen Commission
Two decades after the seminal report of the Knapp Commission, New York City Mayor David N. Dinkins issued an Executive Order in July 1992 to establish the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Police Corruption and the Anti-Corruption Procedures of the Police Department. The commission—which was commonly known as the Mollen Commission, in recognition of its chair, Milton Mollen—was given a threefold mandate: to investigate the nature and extent of corruption in the New York Police Department; to evaluate the department's procedures for preventing and detecting corruption; and to recommend changes and improvements in those procedures.
The commission categorized patterns of corruption as corruption for profit, corruption for power, and corruption for “street” law enforcement purposes. To a great extent, the victims of police corruption are the many law-abiding people who reside in the densely populated, drug-ridden, high-crime police precincts within the city that foster patterns of police corruption. Since these areas are the neighborhoods where many people of color live, the ramifications of police corruption as it relates to race and crime are profound.
The State of Modern Police Corruption
The Commission's Investigations
The commission based its findings on field investigations, on analysis of patterns of corruption complaints, and by developing cooperation from numerous corrupt police officers. They discovered that past beliefs that corrupt officers would not turn on fellow officers or cooperate with corruption investigations were wrong. Officers were often eager to cooperate and assist prosecutors in exchange for leniency against them.
The New Nature of Corruption
The commission determined that most police corruption in New York City arises from the drug trade. Much drug-related police corruption in the city is traced to the explosion of the cocaine and crack trade, which created opportunities for corrupt police officers and criminals to profit from each other. Previously it was thought that most drug-related police corruption involved corrupt police officers stealing from drug dealers. The commission, however, learned that additionally, much drug-related police corruption involved officers using their authority as law enforcement officers to allow open-air drug markets to flourish in the city. In this way, the commission concluded that today's corruption involves police officers using their police powers actively to assist, facilitate, and strengthen the drug trade in New York City. The commission determined that drug dealers often pay corrupt police officers to work hand in hand with them to actively facilitate their drug-related criminal activities. To that end, the commission determined that the victims of police corruption are not the city's drug dealers; dealers are often the beneficiaries of corruption. The victims of police corruption are the many law-abiding people who reside in the neighborhoods where corruption thrives.
The commission developed an erosion theory of police corruption. Many officers who fall prey to corrupt activities in their role as law enforcement officers seemed to be the result of regular and constant exposure to conditions and opportunities of corruption in crime-ridden police precincts that worked to change the attitudes and behaviors of some police officers. The commission hypothesized that this also worked as erosion on many honest police officers who developed a tolerance for widespread police corruption among their colleagues.
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