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The dissolution of the rehabilitation and deinstitutionalization era of the 1960s and early 1970s paved the way for the development of a new conservative wing of criminological theory and policy—one highly critical of many liberal sociologists and criminologists. Beginning with the presidential campaign of Barry Goldwater in the 1960s, the discussion of crime causation moved from social pathology (i.e., economics and injustice) to one of individual immorality and personal shortcomings. The surfacing of the conservative criminology movement was symptomatic of many changing opinions concerning crime and punishment in the United States since the 1970s. At its core, the conservative criminology doctrine rejects social welfare programs and suggests harsher punishments and extended imprisonments. The development of the conservative branch of criminology has accompanied many changes in crime control and penal policy since the idealistic “rehab era” of nearly 40 years ago. This entry reviews the evolution of conservative criminology's central claims, its focus on the social utility of incarceration, and its critique of contemporary culture.

History

The most prominent conservative thinkers in criminology, such as James Q. Wilson and George L. Kelling, have sparked a revival of certain “positivist” thinkers within the classical sphere of the field. Most notably, the 1876 writings of the Italian military doctor Cesare Lombroso provided a blueprint for the incapacitation of “evil” criminals from “moral individuals” in society; the use of specific punishments fit to the offender (not the offense) to separate the offender from the rest of society are central to the conservative criminology movement. Wilson in particular emphasized a marked nostalgia for the importance of 1950s-era family- and religious-centered values. He believed such a reversion would help galvanize better parenting and informal social controls, which he believed had fallen by the wayside since the “free-spirited” idealism of the 1960s. In addition, conservative criminologists display ideologically centered thinking often not based on valid empirical research of any kind with solutions coming by way of a flashy rhetoric as opposed to sound facts. For example, many of the social welfare programs that aided Americans from many social classes, such as the New Deal and the G.I. Bill, are dismissed by conservative criminologists as too expensive and overused by the poor and minorities. However, much evidence exists to the contrary, and those within the conservative movement tend to simply ignore facts invalidating or debunking their central tenets.

Many politicians now stake electoral campaigns on the omnipresent promise to reduce crime and protect the public. Politicians across the political spectrum have favored the infamous “three strikes” laws as well as measures that require prisoners to serve the majority of their prison time—these policies represent an emphasis on deterrence and incapacitation rather than rehabilitation or ameliorating social woes. Many of these policies fell under the banner of conservative criminology and the main tenets espoused by its followers.

Conservative Criminology and the Sociological Tradition

Structural Inequalities and Racial Issues

The key writings of the conservative criminology movement, beginning in the mid-1970s, reformulated societal responses to crime in a manner highly critical of many social welfare approaches of the time (i.e., reducing crime through reducing poverty). Some examples of key criticisms put forward in these liberal-minded sociological policies related to race, poverty, and other structural deficiencies as key causes of crime—conservative criminologists often balked at these explanations. While the conservative criminology movement did not deny the existence of these problems within society, many of them suggested that these deficiencies did not in and of themselves “cause” crimes to occur. Conditions of abject poverty throughout history have not always produced crime, the conservative criminologist would argue, and, therefore, striving for a more equal society would not necessarily have an impact on crime rates.

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