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COINTELPRO and Covert Operations
COINTELPRO is the acronym used to refer to counterintelligence programs conducted by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to discredit and neutralize organizations considered subversive to U.S. political stability. These programs were covert and often used extralegal means to criminalize various forms of political struggle and derail several social movements in the United States. Contemporary race relations, political activism, and crime fighting are intimately intertwined in the context of these counterintelligence programs. The story of COINTELPRO is important to the study of race and crime because many Americans, including minorities, were the focus of COINTELPRO operations. This entry discusses early counterintelligence programs that target Puerto Ricans and African Americans involved with the Puerto Rican Independence movement and the Black Liberation movement.
The FBI has acknowledged conducting COINTELPRO operations between 1956 and 1971. These operations were allegedly abandoned after public and legislative scrutiny, though it remains unclear whether such activities have continued. COINTELPROs were initiated against various organizations, including the Communist Party, Socialist Workers Party (SWP), Puerto Rican Nationalists, Black Panther Party (BPP), and American Indian Movement (AIM). Their tactics included intense surveillance, organizational infiltration, anonymous mailings, and police harassment. These programs were exposed in 1971 when the Citizens Committee to Investigate the FBI burglarized an FBI office in Media, Pennsylvania, stole confidential files, and then released them to the press. More information regarding COINTELPRO was later obtained through the Freedom of Information Act, lawsuits lodged against the FBI by the BPP and the SWP, and statements by agents who came forward to confess their counterintelligence activities.
A major investigation was launched in 1976 by the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities of the U.S. Senate, commonly referred to as the “Church Committee,” for its chairman, Senator Frank Church of Idaho. However, millions of pages of documents remain unreleased, and many released documents are heavily censored. In its final report, the committee sharply criticized COINTELPRO:
Many of the techniques used would be intolerable in a democratic society even if all of the targets had been involved in violent activity, but COINTELPRO went far beyond that. … The Bureau conducted a sophisticated vigilante operation aimed squarely at preventing the exercise of First Amendment rights of speech and association, on the theory that preventing the growth of dangerous groups and the propagation of dangerous ideas would protect the national security and deter violence.
According to Ward Churchill and Jim Vander Wall in their 1990 book on the FBI papers, many COINTELPRO actions were not documented in writing and ex-operatives are now legally prohibited from disclosing them.
COINTELPRO and the Puerto Rican Independence Movement
The United States acquired Puerto Rico in 1899 after the Spanish-American War. In 1916, President Woodrow Wilson suspended voting until after the Jones Act was passed. This act conferred U.S. citizenship to Puerto Ricans, with all of its encumbered responsibilities, despite Puerto Rican sentiments.
In 1922 the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party (NPPR) was founded by Pedro Albizu Campos. He rejected the rule of the United States and called for a sovereign Puerto Rico. The island's police commander, Frank Riggs, with support from the FBI, launched a campaign to silence Puerto Rican nationalists like Campos. In response Campos declared that for every nationalist killed, a continental American would die. Thus, when police fired into a crowd of nationalists at the University of Puerto Rico on October 24, 1935, killing five of the demonstrators, the NPPR responded by assassinating Colonel Riggs. Campos and seven compatriots were arrested. After a mistrial, they were convicted and Campos spent the next 18 years in federal prison. Without Campos and hampered by FBI investigations, as well as the failure of assassination plots, the NPPR lost its momentum. However, the cause of Puerto Rican independence would continue to be a rallying call to Puerto Ricans.
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