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Expert Psychological Testimony, Forms of

Expert evidence comes to court in a variety of forms and, in particular, at a couple of levels of generality. It often involves general research findings that, although relevant to a particular case, also transcend that case. General research findings will sometimes be used in the establishment of applicable law and decided by judges but, more typically, will be considered a component of the fact-finding duties of triers of fact. A large part of expert evidence, however, involves factual issues that are specific to particular cases, though they may be claimed instances of more general phenomena. Courts and scholars have proposed various models to account for the several ways in which expert evidence is manifested in court. The three most influential of these models are considered here.

To be admitted, expert opinion must be relevant to a material fact in dispute. This basic requirement ties proffered expertise to the substantive law of the case. Hence, for example, if applicable law requires that a substance be proven to have caused the plaintiff's injury, expert proof regarding causation will be relevant; and if this proof is reliable and valid, it will usually be admitted. But proving simple causation of this sort can be a complicated matter. The plaintiff must first prove that the substance in question sometimes does cause the injury and, moreover, that it did cause the injury in this case. As this example illustrates, the facts in dispute in a legal case can appear at a couple of levels of generality. This fact has great relevance both to how and whether experts testify and the procedural legal response to proffers of different forms of expert opinion.

The recognition that facts arrive in court in different forms has spawned several scholarly attempts to impose some schematic theme on them. Three frameworks, in particular, have received considerable attention and are discussed below. These are (1) Kenneth Culp Davis's distinction between legislative facts and adjudicative facts; (2) John T. Monahan and Laurens Walker's threepart division of social authority, social frameworks, and social facts; and (3) post-Daubert courts' differentiation between general causation and specific causation.

The Davis Model

In 1942, Kenneth Culp Davis identified two basic kinds of facts having evidentiary significance—what he termed legislative facts and adjudicative facts. According to Davis, legislative facts are those facts that transcend the particular dispute and have relevance to legal reasoning and the fashioning of legal rules. Although judges are responsible for deciding questions of legislative facts, they very often are the subject of expert testimony. For instance, the question of whether juveniles are as cognitively competent as adults for purposes of evaluating the constitutionality of imposing the death penalty for offenses committed before adulthood is a legislative fact. Such legislative facts are decided by judges, typically, at the trial stage and reviewed de novo on appeal. At the appellate level, legislative facts are sometimes referred to as mixed questions of law and fact.

Adjudicative facts, on the other hand, are those facts particular to the dispute. In ordinary litigation, these are the facts that drive the dispute. Examples of such facts include whether the traffic light was red or green, the presence or absence of a stop sign, or the kind of weapon allegedly brandished by the defendant. Adjudicative facts are within the province of the trier of fact (the jury or, if there is no jury, the judge) to decide. On appeal, in nonconstitutional cases, review is deferential under the abuse-of-discretion standard. The appellate standard of review for constitutional adjudicative facts is considerably more complicated, but in most instances, they are reviewed de novo.

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