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Introduction

The scientific literature about planning provides multiple definitions of the construct because planning has many components and because scholars have focused on different aspects of planning (e.g. Miller, Galanter & Pribram, 1960; Schank & Abelson, 1977; Zelazo, Carter, Reznick & Frye, 1997). A composite definition presents planning as ‘a set of complex conceptual activities that anticipate and regulate behaviour. Planning relies on representation of the environment, anticipation of solutions to problems, and then monitoring of strategies to see whether they meet the problem and follow the plan. To plan is to act simultaneously on three levels: in the reality of the problem, in accordance with an imagined scheme [to reach the desired solution], and in the role of mediator between the scheme and the behaviour’ (Scholnick & Friedman, 1987: 3).

Why is it Important to Assess Planning?

Partly because of the complexity of planning and partly because researchers focus on different components of planning, the scientific knowledge about why, how and when people plan is not comprehensive or detailed. It is important to continue to refine methods of assessing planning for several reasons. First, effective planning is associated with efficiency and success in achieving goals, whereas deficits in planning are associated with learning disabilities and retardation. In addition, planning is pervasive across all areas of human life, yet does not occur in every situation. It is therefore important to determine the cultural, social, and task-specific conditions under which people plan or fail to plan, as well as conditions that are conducive to effective and efficient planning when people do plan. Furthermore, planning has been shown to characterize behaviour at all ages, but the evidence detailing the developmental course of planning skills is incomplete.

Assessment Methods

Test developers have generated different methods to assess planning skills according to their conceptualization of planning and the developmental status of the persons evaluated. Detailed information about the different tasks can be found in Friedman, Scholnick, and Cocking (1987), Friedman and Scholnick (1997), and Denckla (1994).

Structured and Abstract Problem-Solving Tasks

Much of the scientific literature about planning is based on tasks in this category, and these types of tasks emerged before other types were conceptualized. Perhaps the most well known abstract problem-solving task is the Tower of Hanoi (TOH; Denckla, 1994; Scholnick, Friedman & Wallner-Allen, 1997), which has been used with both adults and children. The standard task utilizes three identical pegs evenly spaced across a rectangular board. A fixed number of rings differing in size are placed on one or more of the pegs in varying patterns which depend on the problem to be solved. The task calls for rearranging the rings to match a configuration different than the original while obeying the rules of the game. Rules include never placing a larger ring on top of a smaller one (size constraint), moving only one ring at a time, and placing rings only on pegs.

Variants of the TOH (e.g. Klahr & Robinson, 1981; Welsh, 1991) were created to simplify the task demands. Methods of simplification include providing a visual representation of the solution, using cans of different sizes instead of rings, and tapering the pegs. The latter two methods were meant to remind the player of the size constraint rule. Additional means of simplifying the task for younger players include colour coding the rings or cans and embedding the task into a story about three monkeys of different size who like to jump on trees. The Tower of London is another variant of the TOH. It utilizes three coloured beads that are to be placed on pegs of three different heights. As in the other tasks, the goal is to achieve a prescribed solution in the minimal number of moves while obeying a set of constraints.

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