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Plantation Prisons
The plantation model of imprisonment is an overall structure and philosophy of punishment that grew out of racist assumptions about the abilities of the mostly black convicts in the South who, initially, were former slaves. Traditional features of slave plantations combine to form the ideal type of the plantation model of imprisonment. Elements of this model are as follows: (1) agricultural work, (2) isolation, (3) plantation mentality, (4) mostly black prisoners, (5) worthlessness of convicts, (6) neglect of rehabilitation, and (7) emphasis on economy (Foster, 1995, p. 4). As Mark Carleton (1971) observes, “The survival of agricultural operations within the penal system… suggests that the terms ‘convict,’ ‘slave,' ‘Negro,’ and ‘farm work’ have remained unconsciously interchangeable” (p. 7).
History and Development
Southern imprisonment practices did not follow the same pattern as those in the North. Antebellum Southern states did not embrace the penitentiary idea that imprisonment could change or reform the convict as enthusiastically as did their Northern counterparts. With few exceptions, the small number of Southern prewar penitentiaries were reserved for white men; slaves or women were rarely found in these institutions. Slavery controlled the South's lower classes.
Most Southern penitentiaries were damaged during the Civil War and, in any case, were not equipped to house the swelling numbers of prisoners, most of whom were freed slaves. Instead, Southern states soon leased out their prisoners to entrepreneurs and businesses. Some states required the lessee to pay a certain per capita amount to the state. Others gave away complete control of the convicts for nothing; others even paid the lessees to take the prisoners off their hands. Contrary to Northern leasing practices that limited leasing operations to the penitentiaries' sites, Southern states contracted out both male and female convicts to build railroads, levees, and roads and to work in mines and on former plantations. Free from state supervision, some lessees literally worked the prisoners to death. Unlike the previous system of slavery, they did not own the convicts and, consequently, often did not care about their welfare. When one died, they got another.
Emphasis on Economy
Many Southern entrepreneurs who leased convicts became very wealthy from their leasing enterprises. State legislators reasoned that such lease profits rightfully belonged to the state. Simultaneously, leasing ended in the early 1900s as railroad building subsided and road building was designated to local governments. Resuming control of the prisoners, Southern states turned to penal farms as a temporary solution to convict employment problems and “as a supplement which furnished work to certain unproductive classes” (Zimmerman, 1951, p. 466): women, children, the old and infirm. In Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas, the temporary penal farms developed into penal plantations that became the hub from which the entire system radiated. Consequently, the plantation model of imprisonment emerged in its most pure form in these four states.
State Prison Plantations
Southern states purchased thousands of acres of property, often from the descendants of slave plantation owners. Louisiana and Mississippi eventually restricted their farm operations to one remote geographical location each. Louisiana's Angola is now 18,000 acres, while Mississippi's Parchman was 20,000 acres at one time. Arkansas established two farms: Tucker for white convicts and Cummins for black women and men. Cummins also housed a death row. By 1960, Tucker encompassed 4,500 acres, while Cummins was 16,600 acres. Texas differed from the other states in that it developed multiple penal farms.
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- Authors
- Angela Y. Davis
- Anthony Platt
- Cesare Beccaria
- Constitutive Penology
- Convict Criminology
- David Garland
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- Donald Clemmer
- Elizabeth Frye
- George Jackson
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- History of Correctional Officers
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- Jeremy Bentham
- Josephine Shaw Lowell
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- Labor
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- Massachusetts Reformatory
- Medical Experiments
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- Parchman Farm, Mississippi State Penitentiary
- Pennsylvania Prison Society
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- Plantation Prisons
- Prison Ships
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- Zebulon Reed Brockway
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- Riots
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- Snitch
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- Trustee
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- Ashurst-Sumners Act 1935
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- Eighth Amendment
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- Good Time Credit
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- Jailhouse Lawyers
- Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act 1989
- Life Without Parole
- Megan's Law
- Mens Rea
- Parens Patriae
- Politicians
- President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice
- Prison Industry Enhancement Certification Program
- Prison Litigation and Reform Act (PLRA) 1996
- Prisoner Litigation
- Rehabilitation Act 1973
- Ruiz v. Estelle
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- Sentencing Reform Act 1984
- Thirteenth Amendment
- Three Prisons Act 1891
- Three-Strikes Legislation
- Truth in Sentencing
- USA PATRIOT Act 2001
- Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act 1994
- Volstead Act 1918
- War on Drugs
- Wilson v. Seiter
- Youth Corrections Act 1950
- Staff
- Alexander Maconochie
- American Correctional Association
- Benjamin Rush
- Correctional Officer Pay
- Correctional Officer Unions
- Correctional Officers
- Dothard v. Rawlingson
- Governance
- History of Correctional Officers
- James V. Bennett
- Joseph E. Ragen
- Katharine Bement Davis
- Kathleen Hawk Sawyer
- Legitimacy
- Mabel Walker Willebrandt
- Managerialism
- Mary Belle Harris
- Miriam Van Waters
- National Institute of Corrections
- Officer Code
- Professionalization of Staff
- Psychologists
- Sanford Bates
- Sexual Relations With Staff
- Staff Training
- U.S. Marshals Service
- Unit Management
- Volunteers
- Zebulon Reed Brockway
- Theories of Punishment
- Types of Punishment
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