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THE RIGHT IN THE Andean nation of Peru played a crucial role in the social and political development of the nation. Among all the South American nations, Peru's political and social development is the most intertwined with its historical development. From its inception as a Spanish colony through its tardiness in gaining independence to the export-oriented growth of the 19th century, Peruvian conservatism has assumed a staunch and strict sense of moral nationalism. In the 20th century, the Peruvian right, those in the military, members of the middle class, as well as the landowning oligarchy sponsored a seemingly contradictory notion of traditionalism and nationalistic modernity. Most conservatives believed in the inherent necessity of modernity. However, most conservatives were unable to handle the ramifications or consequences of that modernity. As a result, when modern ideologies emerged, especially on the left, the conservative right wing reacted harshly, mostly through creating an alliance with the defender of the status quo—the military.

Armed with the ideology of traditional conservative politics and modern economic policies, the right wing surfaced in the mid-20th century as a viable political force. In 1948, General Manuel Odría, a prominent leader in the military, assumed political power. He assumed power to please the oligarchy and the conservative landowning policies of the landed elite. Odría, with the consent of the conservative oligarchy, ruled Peru as a dictator from 1948 to 1956. In this period, Odría ruled without a legislative branch or a judicial branch. Along with a repressive political system, Odría initiated numerous economic reforms, which did improve the Peruvian economy. He promised tax reform, educational reform, and a school-building program. Despite his plans for reform, however, the conservative rich were called upon to contribute their fair share. Moreover, by the end of Odría's term, 49 percent of schoolchildren in Peru did not even have a desk in their classrooms.

The conservative alliance of the military and the oligarchy, with its ideology of traditionalism and nationalism, reached its major roadblock in the 1960s. In 1963, a military junta gained power over the democratically elected government. Over the next few years, the military junta gave power to the conservative-based Popular Action Party (AP). The AP appealed to the landowning oligarchy's traditional and conservative viewpoints. Thus, the conservative right had found a powerful ally.

On July 18, 1963, a military coup toppled the liberal government of Fernando Balaunde. At the head of an odd coalition, the conservatives feared the nationalistic policies of the incoming president as well as his seeming flirtation with foreign ideologies. The army suspended the constitution and acted as a caretaker regime. The conservatives clung to power until 1968. In the fiveyear period, the junta had persecuted organized labor and hunted violent guerrilla groups, which had emerged since the coup. The conservatives' traditionalism had once again taken root.

This traditionalism, over the next 30 years, was challenged to a tremendous degree. In 1968, a group of army officers, hostile to Balaunde and angry over a dispute with Standard Oil, toppled the regime. The conservatives had hoped that this new military regime would be nationalistic and uphold traditional values. However, the officers involved in the coup had been trained abroad and many returned with Marxist political leanings. At the least, many had become favorable to the notion of social justice in the Peruvian political system. The military junta had essentially duped the conservatives. Over the next 20 years, the right in Peru suffered as the military became increasingly politicized and part of the leftist movement.

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