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Despite its centrality and invocation in today's political and social world, the notion of public opinion has been plagued by inconsistent conceptualizations over the years. Disagreements over the public can be traced back to the ancient Greek philosophers: Plato expressed disdain for the public and believed in the rule of philosopher kings, whereas Aristotle was more optimistic, believing in the power of the community and the wisdom of collective deliberation. These differences in perspectives transcended time, manifesting themselves in European thinking in the 16th and 17th centuries. For instance, Machiavelli cautioned rulers to be wary of the ruled, but Rousseau noted the indestructibility of the general will, arguing that the state should rest on—and advocate for—the good of the community. Contemporary views of public opinion are grounded in the assumption that a government should enact policies that reflect the will of its citizens. Despite this general consensus, the extent to which leaders respond to the demands and interests of their constituents has varied across space, time, and context.

Scholars continued to grapple with defining public opinion in the 20th century. In the inaugural issue of Public Opinion Quarterly in 1937, Allport posited a definition that involved “individuals…expressing themselves [regarding a] condition, person, or proposal of widespread importance…as to give rise to the probability of affecting action … toward the object concerned.” Linking citizens' preferences to policy, this definition assumes that public opinion is an aggregate of individual opinions.

Allport's definition, however, is only one of several perspectives on public opinion. Another view does not see it as something quantifiable, but as a reflection of societal norms. This majoritarian perspective can be seen in Locke's “law of opinion” and NoelleNeumann's theory of the spiral of silence, in which society has the power to impose sanctions on those who deviate from the norm. Other common definitions of public opinion include its being the opinion expressed by media and elites, something that arises from the clash of group interests, and a fiction.

This latter definition, equating public opinion with something that does not exist, is particularly crucial given a decades-long debate about citizen competence. Scholars immersed in this debate have questioned whether members of the mass public, who participate in an increasing number of polls, really understand enough about public affairs so as to express a meaningful opinion on these issues. After all, studies have shown that citizens are willing to express opinions on fictitious issues, and that their responses to questions asked repeatedly can be quite inconsistent. The extent to which opinions really exist, therefore, is critical in addressing the normative question regarding how much policymakers should rely on these expressed opinions.

Opinions, however, can be expressed in venues other than public opinion polls. Given these definitions, citizens can express their opinions in political conversation with friends, family, and neighbors; they can contact the media or their representatives directly; they can vote, campaign, donate money, sign petitions, and protest alongside others. Of course, technological advances have provided numerous opportunities to deliberate with and express views to individuals outside one's immediate lifespace. The public sphere, once delimited by geographical boundaries, has become more physically diffuse. Not surprisingly, this development has changed how public and expression of opinion are defined.

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