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Playful activity has been perceived sociologically in many different ways, each implying a sort of “dominant metaphor”: play as drama, play as contest and conflict, play as a form of politics. The understanding of play as entertainment falls into this variety of metaphorical uses, and yet—more than the others that have been mentioned—it highlights some key characteristics of play: the nonin-strumental qualities of action, the centrality of leisure as an objective of action, its expressive dimension, and the relationship between play and human culture.

There are two major meanings of the term entertainment that can be useful for a sociological understanding of play. In a first sense, entertainment can be conceived of as the pleasure and amusement produced in participants and audiences by play. There is, however, also a second common meaning, and entertainment should not to be understood merely as an effect of activity, but as that very activity itself. The two meanings are substantially different, and they also give room to different sociological strategies. While considering entertainment as an effect of play frames the issue mainly in general theoretical and analytic terms, understanding entertainment as a specific type of activity allows an interdisciplinary connection between the sociology of play and the sociology of cultural production.

Sociological Studies

As it is often remarked, classical sociology did not pay a great attention to play, except for some intuitions by the German sociologist and philosopher Georg Simmel, whose vision of play is consistent with his characteristic focus on the sociability of human beings, on social interaction and on human expression. While not recognized as very prominent for the field of play studies, another scholar belonging to the classical age, the French sociologist Émile Durkheim, offered, however, a vision of entertainment that can be regarded as a hidden, classical root for the analysis of play and entertainment.

In his work The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, Durkheim held the vision that religious practices (i.e., rituals) do not simply fulfill the function of creating social solidarity. When represented in public within the context of cooperation and assembly with other people, they also entertain the participants. Yet the relevance of Durkheim's insight does not rest simply on the assumption that entertainment, as the socially shaped product of some collective or individual activity, has a religious origin. Durkheim's vision of ritual as a separate and bounded activity is paradigmatic for the analysis of all the other (more secular) practices that detatch participants from their ordinary life, play included.

Durkheim's work had a great influence (whether it was explicit or not) on Roger Caillois's approach to play and games. Many other scholars—within and without the Durkheimian tradition—seem to share his basic assumptions too, from sociologist Erving Goffman to anthropologist Victor Turner, to play theorist Brian Sutton-Smith. Entertainment, from this analytic point of view, must be conceived of mainly as the outcome of any social activity permeated by play, as it is remarked by one prominent student of performance, the theorist and dramaturge Richard Schechner.

These studies usually conceive of the analysis of play as embedded in a wider theory of performance and symbolic action, thus stressing the relevance of the cultural elements that shape play and are conditioned by it. Whether they use play as a metaphor for action, or are interested in the analysis of play per se as a way to understand deeper and more general processes of social life and human expression, they seem to pay attention to the role of play in society and group life, to its forms of expression (mostly ritual-like), and to its function and achievements (the creation of identity, communal solidarity, amusement for its own sake).

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