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According to the major tenet of Occam's razor, simplicity is a value to be sought after; the simpler the explanation of a phenomenon, the better. On the other hand, demands for high levels of explanatory and predictive power and control require, to varying degrees, more complex theory, and a respect for the law of requisite variety. Hence, two opposing values of sciencemaking emerged in the 20th century, no less in social science than in any other domain. The tension was felt in most social sciences but was perhaps best articulated by American sociologist Robert Merton in 1968 in his introduction and articulation of “theories of the middle range.” For Merton, these theories deal with limited classes and ranges of social phenomena at levels midway between, on one hand, general theories that are too remote from particular classes of social behavior to offer consistent, reliable prediction and insight, and on the other hand, case-by-case specific detail of individual events. They involve abstractions, as most theories do, but they are also close enough to observed data to assist in the generation of propositions that can be exposed to empirical testing. In short, each deals with a limited range of social phenomena rather than attempting to be either too specific to single issues or broadly applicable to a wide variety of concerns.

Conceptual Overview

The social sciences devoted to the study of organizations and the relations between individuals and organizations emerged primarily from psychology and sociology during the late 1950s and the 1960s with the publications of March's 1965 Handbook of Organizations, March and Simon's 1958 Organizations, Katz and Kahn's 1966 The Social Psychology of Organizations, and James Thompson's 1967 Organizations in Action. The general systems movement was flourishing during this period, and there seemed to be a zeitgeist in favor of viewing organizations as open social systems, possessing all the properties of such systems. This preference was stronger among the sociologically oriented views of organizations than among the works of psychologists, but nevertheless, the forces mentioned earlier in favor of parsimony and general theory were ascendant; parsimony was defeating detail and elaboration. The problem, of course, is that the more general a theory (across people, contexts, and time), the less it can be expected to provide specific explanatory power for individual cases, as noted by Merton. In a sense, in the limit, any theory that purports to explain everything, in fact—empirically—cannot account for anything, or very much; the exceptions swamp the cases for which the theory is accurate.

In 1978, a conference was held at the University of British Columbia to investigate the relevance of Merton's notions of middle-range theory for the organizational sciences. A book was published in 1980, edited by Pinder and Moore, to report the major papers presented and the discussions elicited by those papers. Two general categories of middle-range theory emerged from the conference. The first category consisted of theories that applied to limited varieties of organizational phenomena, such as socialization and leadership, for example. So, theories of leadership would not be expected to apply to problems of organizational design, except, perhaps, by deductive inference.

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