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Measures of socioeconomic status (SES) purport to represent the relative distribution of prestige in a society. In many societies, SES is significantly associated with culture and ethnicity. For example, in the United States, European Americans have significantly higher per capita incomes and significantly lower poverty rates than all other major ethnic groups. Furthermore, these SES discrepancies play a causal role in many of the deficits in academic performance, mental health, and physical health that other U.S. ethnic groups show when compared with European Americans. The close association between ethnicity and SES, as well as the relationship between SES and important psychosocial variables, point to the importance for psychologists of understanding SES.

Failing to account for SES when working with cultural groups can limit the accuracy of psychological observations in two important ways. First, the effects of ethnicity and culture may be confounded with the effects of SES. When SES differences are reflected in the individuals involved in psychological research or applications and SES is not assessed, any significant association between SES and psychosocial variables may be erroneously attributed to culture or ethnicity. The second limitation is that failing to account for SES prevents the consideration of interactions with culture or ethnicity. When SES is not considered, it can be easy to mistakenly assume that the relationship between cultural group membership and a psychosocial variable remains the same across all levels of SES, or that the relation between SES and a dependent variable is the same in all cultures or ethnic groups. Both of these limitations are easily overcome by adequately conceptualizing and assessing SES. Accordingly, recommendations for the accurate conceptualization and measurement of SES are outlined here.

Structure of SES

Unfortunately, the use of the term socioeconomic status in the psychological literature often connotes a unidimensional, homogeneous construct. For example, it is not uncommon for the psychological literature to claim that SES is associated with a given psychosocial outcome. However, the accumulated research evidence suggests that SES is a multidimensional construct with distinct but related components. The relation of any one component to an extraneous variable often differs both quantitatively and qualitatively from that of the other components. For example, existing research suggests that children's exposure to certain types of stress has a significant negative association with some components of SES (e.g., family assets and parental occupational status) but not with others (e.g., family income and parental education). Therefore, SES should not be conceptualized as a single indicator of societal prestige but as a collection of interrelated but independent components. Accordingly, greater accuracy is achieved by clearly referring to the relationship between a specific component (e.g., parental occupational status) and a given outcome whenever describing SES effects.

The components of SES are often categorized into three groups. The first group includes the financial resources available to any given individual (e.g., income). The second group represents the nonmaterial resources that an individual possesses, such as education. The final group incorporates an individual's social and interpersonal resources (e.g., social and family networks). However, certain important components of SES cannot be readily accommodated into this tripartite scheme. For example, occupational status—the culturally determined subjective value of an occupation—is an important component of SES that cannot be neatly incorporated into any of the three groups.

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