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Mothering is vital work for children, for communities and for nations. A contingent of activists and scholars have long argued that women's reproductive and caring labor must be considered as work in order for it to be adequately recognized and valued. This work is sometimes called social reproduction, a term that captures the necessity of children for societies to survive, the care provided to individual children, and the value to the community of the human capital that is generated through that care. In all societies, however, women's contributions extend beyond social reproduction and include direct contributions to national economies and Gross National Product. The importance of these dual contributions means that mothering work is usually combined with other forms of work, including paid labor. The ways in which mothering and paid work are combined varies significantly across different historical periods and across social, economic, and geographic locations. New forms of social organization are often generated by changes to women's work and the differential importance assigned to women's economic contributions relative to their social reproductive contributions.

Increasingly in developed and developing countries, women's economic contributions and labor market participation are recognized as crucial to economic growth and productivity, which has led to international attention to how paid work and mothering can be combined. Despite marked changes in social, economic, and employment conditions throughout the 20th century, as women's labor force participation has increased, female education levels have risen and falling fertility rates have changed women's family circumstances, women's higher level of responsibility for the care for children has remained remarkably consistent. The intersection of mothering and paid work continues to generate considerable social debate and remains a key target for national and international policy attention.

Social and Economic Structures

It is important to recognize that social and economic structures have a significant impact on the ways in which mothering and productive economic contributions or paid work are combined. In subsistence economies, it is often argued that different forms of work, specifically social reproduction and other forms of productive economic contributions, are less sharply distinguished than they are in contemporary industrial nations. In such economies, which predominated for much of human history and continue to exist in many parts of the world, many forms of work are undertaken in the same physical location. This means that the unpaid work of mothering can be carried out alongside other forms of labor. In nations that have moved or are moving toward industrialization, the centralization of many aspects of production (urbanization) and much greater human mobility are characteristic elements of how labor is organized and productivity gains are achieved. This change frequently introduces geographic distances between different forms of work, which generates pressure around the management of caring work for children in combination with other forms of work, especially paid labor. In particular, the industrial revolution, which occurred in the 19th century in Europe, led to the concentration of production in large urban sites; carrying on mothering in these sites in combination with other forms of work was no longer possible. The rise of mechanization required the provision of care for children to be separated from the tasks of production. This shift inaugurated many changes in the ways in which employment and mothering were combined in industrializing countries. Due to a greater reliance on agrarian forms of production, more integrated work and care patterns for women persisted in developing nations for much of the 20th century. But changing conditions for global trade and growing insight into the importance of women's economic contributions have also led to significant changes in the combinations of work and mothering in developing countries.

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