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Susan Douglas, the Catherine Neafie Kellogg Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Michigan, and Meredith Michaels, a philosophy professor at Smith College, coined the term new momism in their 2004 book, The Mommy Myth: The Idealization of Motherhood and How It Undermined Women. Douglas and Michaels argue that the new momism began to emerge in the 1980s, primarily in the media, and is a highly romanticized myth about motherhood.

The new momism is a set of ideals, norms, and practices that seem to value motherhood, but in fact create standards of mothering that are impossible for most mothers to meet. At the heart of the new momism is the insistence that no woman is complete until she has children; women are the best caregivers of children; and “good” mothers must devote their entire physical, emotional, and psychological being to their children all day, every day. In doing so, the new momism also requires mothers to develop professional-level skills, such as therapist, pediatrician, consumer products safety instructor, and teacher in order to meet and treat the needs of children. In addition to creating impossible ideals of mothering, the new momism also defines women first and foremost in relation to their children, and encourages women to believe that mothering is the most important job for women. These intensive mothering demands ultimately exhaust women who try to meet these impossible mothering standards. Thus, Douglas and Michaels argue that mothers must “exorcise the new momism.” They suggest that the first step is to name the new momism everywhere a mother sees it, then rebel and “talk back” against it, thus changing women's consciousness about the new momism as a way to encourage mothers to resist it.

Spread through the Media

In making their argument, Douglas and Michaels suggest, beginning in the 1980s and continuing today, that media outlets utilize fear tactics, guilt, and celebrity mom profiles to encourage and reinforce the new momism. Television news, for example, repeatedly cautions women about the “threats from without” to their children: cults, abduction, and consumer safety problems with car seats, toys, cribs, and food allergies from peanuts. At the same time, “threats from within,” primarily through sensationalized examples of “delinquent” mothers, also appear.

Delinquent mothers are mothers who are careless or reckless, sometimes even criminal, and, as a result, are a threat to their own children. Television news features stories of these mothers: mothers on crack, abusive and neglectful mothers, and murdering mothers. As a result, women are also cautioned to police themselves and to be vigilant against the potential threat from within.

Media celebrity mom profiles, on the other hand, encourage maternal guilt and insecurity, while simultaneously romanticizing motherhood. These profiles always show celebrity moms juggling it all—work, family, and mothering—with a smile on their face and in glowing pictures with their healthy, well-behaved children. In short, celebrity mom profiles show mothers who are “supermoms”: unruffled, contented women who find motherhood the most important and fulfilling experience of their celebrity life. Key to the celebrity mom profiles is that they are separate from the reality of everyday mothering, particularly in terms of how difficult children can be and how difficult mothering can be for women. Thus, two central messages are embedded in the celebrity mom profiles: if a child is behaving badly or is difficult, it is the mother's fault; and if a mother finds mothering difficult, then something is wrong with her.

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