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In a world that is fundamentally uncertain, society needs to be prepared to deal with risks and uncertainty in a proper way. However, often this is not the case, and the psychological consequences of misperceiving risks can have severe, physical consequences. First, this entry illustrates why this issue is important. Then, typical misunderstandings that happen in risk communication are explained, as well as how these misunderstandings can be avoided and insight reached.

Example

In October 1995, the U.K. Committee on the Safety of Medicines issued a warning that third-generation oral contraceptive pills containing desogestrel or gestodene increased the risk of venous thromboembolism by 100%. That is, the risk was twofold. This information was passed on in 190,000 letters to general practitioners, pharmacists, and directors of public health and also forwarded to the media. In response, many women decided not to take the pill anymore.

In the following year, the number of abortions in the United Kingdom increased by almost 9%, which makes a total of 13,600 additional abortions, against the decreasing trend in abortions in the previous years. This number is particularly interesting in comparison with the increase in conceptions, which was only 3.3%, a total of 26,000 additional conceptions. That is, the number of additional abortions amounts to more than half of the number of additional conceptions, which at least suggests that out of the additional conceptions particularly many were unwanted. Moreover, the increase both in conceptions and in abortions was particularly pronounced in teenagers. The resulting additional costs for abortion provision to the National Health Service have been estimated to be about £4 to £6 million.

A closer look at the twofold risk of thromboembolism reveals that it approximately means that the risk of thromboembolism increases from 3 in 20,000 women who take second-generation oral contraceptive pills (i.e., those containing levonorgestrel or norethisterone) to 6 in 20,000 women who take third-generation oral contraceptive pills, while the baseline risk of women who do not take oral contraceptive pills is about 2 in 20,000. That is, the relative risk increase is indeed 100%, but in absolute numbers, this means a risk increase of only 3 in 20,000. Additionally, it needs to be noted that pregnancy increases the risk to 12 in 20,000, which is again twice as high compared with taking third-generation oral contraceptive pills. Had women known these numbers, many unwanted pregnancies and subsequent abortions may have been avoided.

Risk Illiteracy

This example illustrates a larger societal problem. Many citizens are not prepared to deal rationally with risks and uncertainties. This problem is particular in that it is one of those that are not recognized as such in the public, although it may cost lives, cause abortions, or just psychological pain. Such a pill scare will likely happen again, as others did before, and people may not be prepared to react with reason, since many are statistically illiterate in the sense that they do not know about the distinction between a relative risk (100%) and an absolute risk (3 in 20,000).

It has been debated whether risk illiteracy is mainly a consequence of cognitive limitations, as suggested by the extensive literature on risk perception. However, such an internal attribution of the causes has not led to successful treatment. If “probability blindness” were caused by our cognitive limitations, then we just would have to live with it, or, as some have suggested, to keep citizens away from important decisions. In contrast to this view, there are numerous examples showing that risk innumeracy is largely a function of the external representations used in risk communication.

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