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Associative thinking is used to describe memory-based judgment processes that require the decision maker to infer a diagnosis or other category on the basis of the presence or absence of related features through the activation of associations—memories in which features and categories co-occur. Broadly speaking, the mind automatically associates in memory those experiences or concepts that co-occur. The decision maker later retrieves these associations (again, automatically, and typically unconsciously) in the performance of judgment and decision tasks. For example, when a pediatrician repeatedly sees children who present with persistent sore throat and fever and observes that they are often positive for strep throat, she or he may come to associate the symptoms and the diagnosis, and on the next presentation of a child with sore throat and fever, strep throat is likely to be high on her differential diagnosis. In essence, judgments are evoked by considering the similarity or representativeness of new stimuli to associations previously learned. More frequent and salient co-occurrences result in more memorable associations.

The study of association in thinking has a long history, dating back at least as far as the work of English empiricists in the 17th century. In modern dual-process theories of cognition, associative thinking is often considered to be characteristic of System 1 (intuitive) thinking. It is contrasted with the more effortful and rule-oriented System 2 (deliberative) thinking.

Determinants

According to dual-process theories, associative thinking is automatically performed, but associations may be suppressed or modified by later deliberation. Associative judgments are more likely to be expressed when deliberation is limited or infeasible. For example, time pressure or cognitive load may increase the likelihood of relying on associative thinking. In other cases, lack of appropriate information or information format may prevent deliberation. For example, Windschitl and Wells showed that eliciting judgments using verbal measures of uncertainty (e.g., “unlikely”) evoked associative thinking more frequently than when numerical measures were used.

Associations vary in their strength. Hogarth notes that associations can be reinforced positively or negatively and offers three factors that lead to reinforcement. First, human beings may be genetically predisposed to create particular associations very quickly through operations similar to classical conditioning. Experiences of pain and fear, for example, often rapidly produce or reinforce strong associations with co-occurring events. Second, people can be motivated to increase the strength of an association. Motivation can take the form of either internal motivation to better understand the environment or external motivation (e.g., operant conditioning) from rewards or punishments provided by the environment. For example, associations that lead to decisions that result in approbation are likely to be reinforced. Third, associations are strengthened as the frequency of the association being observed increases. For example, a physician examining a patient within his or her specialty is likely to have developed strong associations between symptoms and diagnoses as a result of the frequency with which the physician examines such patients; a physician examining a patient with a novel diagnosis outside his or her specialty may have fewer and weaker relevant associations.

Advantages and Disadvantages

Because associative thinking allows for rapid categorization and judgment, it can be ecologically adaptive. This is particularly the case when the decision maker has considerable opportunity to develop valid associations and must make decisions in limited time or without other resources necessary to support a more deliberative process. For example, medical decision making in emergent conditions is often greatly facilitated by the ability of the physician to make correct associations rapidly.

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