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Suez Crisis of 1956
The leadership issues raised by the 2003 U.S.-led war on Iraq are strikingly similar to those raised by the Suez War in 1956. In both cases, government leaders misled their countries about the reality of the situation in order to obtain support for a unilateral military intervention in a sovereign Arab state. By exaggerating the threat posed by the Arab state and ignoring the values and concerns of the public, of other government officials, and of the United Nations, these leaders brought their countries into war. For Britain, the Suez War marked an abrupt decline in its influence throughout the Middle East and made party leaders aware that the state could no longer act on a global scale. As Charles Johnston, governor in Aden in 1961, wrote: “One of the worst things that has happened to us since the war, and most particularly since Suez, is that in the Middle East we have lost confidence in our own ability to deal with situations …. Our Suez fiasco seems, in effect, to have left a far deeper mark on ourselves than on the Arabs” (Ashton 1997). Warning Britain against joining the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, British Liberal Democrat Charles Kennedy told The Guardian: “God forbid we go down unilateral routes. Look at the history books and it is called Suez” (10 January 2003).
The Suez War
During the summer of 1956, Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser transferred the operation and assets of the Suez Canal from nonresident corporate owners to local state control; many of the dispossessed, who were then living in Britain and France, pressured their elected leaders to protect their financial interests. A few weeks later, on 29 October, Israeli forces under Minister of Defense David BenGurion invaded the Sinai Peninsula and headed for the Canal Zone, complaining of cross-border skirmishes. Two days after the Israeli invasion, planes from the British and French air forces bombed Egyptian airfields and British and French troops landed in Port Said, so that by the beginning of November, Britain and France occupied a third of the Canal Zone.
British and French political leaders justified these actions as necessary to impose demilitarized zones on both sides of the canal. British Prime Minister Anthony Eden explained that British and French troops had entered Egypt as peacemakers to separate Israel's aggressive military from Egypt's defensive forces. Eden told the House of Commons on 20 December 1956: “There were no plans got together (with Israel) to attack Egypt” (Noorani 2001). This assertion was revealed to have been a falsehood when the British Public Records Office opened its files on the Suez crisis on 2 January 1987. It was also revealed after the war that Israeli aggression against Egypt was as much a response to the fear of Egypt joining forces with other Arab states as to the uncoordinated border skirmishes it had originally cited.
The Unilateral Route
What the British Public Records Office revealed when it opened its files on the Suez crisis was that British, French, and Israeli representatives had attended secret meetings in Sèvres near Paris during which a protocol binding to military action against Egypt was signed. While all British copies of the protocol were secretly burned, a protest note from Sir Gladwyn Jebb, British Ambassador in Paris to the Foreign Secretary, survived. Excluded from the discussions, Jebb wrote: “I do not complain, but it is, I believe, a novel arrangement for diplomatic business of the highest importance to be conducted by the Principals without any official being present, even to take a note.” Sir Donald Logan was the only person from the British side to have attended the Sèvres discussions.
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