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There always has been a multiplicity of penal court procedures. The differences in how criminal wrongdoings are unraveled and settled often depend on the mode of their commission, the relationship between victim and perpetrator, and the seriousness of the offense. Three models for the resolution of conflicts arising from criminal wrongdoings have their roots in ancient procedures, roots that have perhaps been common to all cultures. All resolution models are attempts to avoid the primordial response to criminal wrongdoing: self-help and, in the case of homicide, blood revenge. All are relevant in understanding modern criminal procedure. The three procedural models are: (1) consensual semiprivate resolution of the conflict through negotiations between victim or prosecutor and the accused; (2) adversarial resolution of the dispute in a public oral trial often before a panel of lay judges (or jury); and (3) inquisitorial investigation and decision of criminal cases, conducted in its heyday by state officials who were tasked with ascertaining the truth.

All of these procedural modes are found in varying mixtures in most modern penal procedures, albeit in different combinations, usually with one procedural mode dominating due to cultural and historical reasons. They, and the principles that are derivative therefrom, provide the substance for the great contemporary discussions about criminal procedure reform in Asia, Latin America, the former Soviet Union, and elsewhere.

Criminal procedure consists of a sequence of acts or procedures conducted by officials aimed at determining whether or not crimes were committed, who committed them, and what the perpetrator's punishment, if any, should be. Criminal procedure reformers must assess the applicability of the three procedural models to six decisions or assessments. These are, whether or not, to (1) arrest and commence a preliminary investigation; (2) detain the suspect prior to trial; (3) charge a suspect with the commission of a crime; (4) assess pretrial the sufficiency of evidence to allow the case to proceed to trial (preliminary hearing); (5) determine guilt or innocence (the trial); and (6) determine posttrial whether there was sufficient evidence to convict, whether errors were made that require a new trial, or whether a person who has been acquitted may be retried.

History of Criminal Procedure Reform

Early modes of consensual and adversarial resolution of criminal disputes predominated in Europe until the late Middle Ages and during the Renaissance, and still exist in autochthonous communities in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and elsewhere. In both the early and contemporary systems, the victim (or his tribe) makes an accusation and the suspect-defendant responds. Thus, early adversarial systems were usually accusatorial in nature, that is, the victim as accuser initiated them. A variety of political and cultural influences led to the development of a new system of criminal procedure on the European continent. Politically, the rise of the nation-state and absolute monarchy led to a politicization of criminal procedure with the state replacing the victim as initiator of criminal proceedings. The vertical hierarchy of such systems was reflected in a similar hierarchy of courts and a royal judiciary to administer it.

Culturally, the Roman Catholic canon law's inquisitorial procedures and formal rules of evidence and the Italian universities' rediscovery of Roman law heavily influenced the law. Judges began to see themselves (or to be seen) as truth seekers. Armed with the newly articulated Roman legal principles emerging from the Italian universities and with the rules of formal proof emanating from canon law, they could achieve a superior quality of justice than that achieved by the irrational forms of procedure used by the Germanic tribes: ordeals, oath helpers, duels, and lay decision makers.

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