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Class, rooted in social relations of production and markets, is a central concept in sociology. Correspondingly, and dating back to the classical theorists Karl Marx (1818–1883) and Max Weber (1864–1920), sociologists ask how labor law affects or reflects class inequalities, power, and conflict. Similarly, theory and empirical questions about state autonomy, including the autonomy of law, guide sociological inquiry into the evolution of labor law and its causes and consequences for economic and political-cultural ideas, actors, interests, and institutions. Following Michel Foucault (1926–1984) and neo-Marxist labor process scholarship, sociological research on labor law also addresses issues of worker control and discipline.

Labor law focuses on regulating the employeremployee relationship at the workplace. The core American law school courses on labor law cover rules of organization and collective bargaining between associations of workers, or unions, and employers, including employers' associations. Regulation of wages, hours, and work standards is part of labor law, and so are nontraditional work arrangements such as contingent employment and telecommuting and diverse decentralized work arrangements facilitated by the rise of the Internet. Laws prohibiting employment discrimination based on race, sex, religion, ethnicity, or other characteristics—ordinarily treated as a separate legal subject—have received more sociological attention than has labor law.

An important precursor to the modern law of employment contracts was the master-servant law of mid-Victorian England. By focusing on the rise of individual freedom and liberal political institutions, Karen Orren analyzed U.S. case law and found that “the law of master and servant was at the foundation of capitalist development and industrialism” (1991: 70). Similarly, Marc Steinberg's careful empirical studies showed that employer-mobilized, local court interpretations of master-servant law were a form of labor relations in eighteenthand early nineteenthcentury England. These interpretations were not derivative of control relations pre-established in the economy. Rather, master-servant law and associated workplace cognitive models and behavioral repertoires formed a wide sphere of legal norms that helped to constitute and legitimate the evolving workplace relations of industrial capitalism. Labor control problems lacking solutions were especially conducive to the “embedding” of labor control in law.

Collective Bargaining and Governability

Ralf Dahrendorf characterized the modern era as one in which class conflict was deradicalized and institutionalized by formal rules and associated informal routines of collective bargaining between management and labor. Collective bargaining for resolving industrial disputes helped ensure that class conflict in the workplace did not fuse with class conflict in the polity to spur working-class revolution.

However, there is substantial variation across capitalist democracies in the content of their collective bargaining frameworks. European sociologists investigate whether and how national variations in labor law have shaped national variations in such aspects of economic performance as labor costs, inflation, unemployment, and economic growth. They also ask whether and how national labor regulatory regimes are being reshaped by globalization, European Union (EU) legislation, or court decisions promoting cross-national market integration.

Comparative sociologists have not explored the entire breadth of labor law or its doctrinal nuances. Instead, they have highlighted key elements that might increase the governability and predictability of industrial relations and could potentially improve economic performance. Such elements include variations in the legal enforceability of collective contracts, the degree to which contracts with certain employers extend to other employers and nonunionized workers in the same industry or to similar employers in other industries, and whether formal law makes a “peace obligation” part of the collective contract. For example, labor law makes collective contracts binding on signatory parties in all countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), except for Italy (although in Ireland and the UK, the binding nature of the agreement is optional, contingent on detailed requirements, and rarely invoked). Most countries have a peace obligation during the collective contract, but in Italy and France, unions cannot formally bind members in this respect, because it conflicts with the right to strike guaranteed to individuals.

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