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Since at least 1619, with the vote for the Virginia House of Burgesses, Americans have relied on elections to instantiate the nation's commitment to abstract principles of self-government. As the electoral process in the United States has evolved over the course of nearly four centuries, it is worthwhile to analyze developments in the context of theories, values, institutions, and procedures. In the United States, changes in basic political theory (that is, revised conceptions of representation) parallel reassessments of core values (that is, the expansion of the franchise through the Fifteenth, Nineteenth, Twenty-Fourth, and Twenty-Sixth Amendments to the federal Constitution). In addition, developments in political institutions (that is, the growth of political parties) and adjustments in the procedures of recording the vote (that is, the movement away from the viva voce method—the showing of hands—and the institution of the Australian “secret ballot”) provide material for analysis.

Given the American experience, and as Afghans and Iraqis initiate their national experiments with democracy, the individual and aggregate significance of theories, values, institutions, and procedures must be appreciated to better understand the nature of elections.

Theories

With respect to theory, elections confer both power and legitimacy. The act of electing works at the instrumental level in the sense that it serves the purpose of selecting a governing agent, party, or coalition, but it also functions in a normative capacity in that the victorious earn their imprimatur via successful emergence from a fairly gathered crop of candidates. In this regard, elections are oriented more toward processes than results; the critical concern is not who was chosen, but that there was even a choice.

As this emphasis on process would suggest, elections are predicated on a free culture and objective operations. For both elections and games of sport, one expects to have established and neutral rules in place to govern the competition. An election should avoid Joseph Stalin's infamous appraisal—“It's not who gets the most votes that matters; it's who counts the votes that matters most.” Consequently, elections require clear policies and fair implementation with regard to such things as the terms of the franchise (who is allowed to vote), the mechanics of voting (the devices that will calculate the votes), and a previously agreed-upon formula or threshold for determining the winner.

Values

For elections to function effectively and consistently there must be concomitant values animating the architecture of the electoral process. There must be some genuine appreciation of—and demand for—republican liberty. Thus, there must be a pledge to accept the outcomes of the process, even if one is on the losing end, because the ultimate commitment is to something beyond the process—namely, the exercise of self-rule implicated in the freedom to choose. Elections are cyclical (annual or otherwise) reminders of citizens' awesome power to pursue their interests—organizing, bargaining, deliberating, and ultimately deciding the fate of the nation.

Institutions

Elections require, too, the design of institutions that can sustain the process. To apply the old expression “You reap what you sow” to the circumstances of elections, it is essential to realize that the outcomes of electoral contests are constituted by the institutional arrangements previously put in place. Paradoxically then, while elections are organized efforts to achieve control over the state apparatus, they are simultaneously shaped by the terms of state structures, laws, and practices already in place.

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