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Constitutive criminology is a postmodernist theoretical analysis of crime and justice. The core of the constitutive argument is that one cannot separate crime and its control from the totality of the structural and cultural contexts in which human agents produce crime or control or contribute to those contexts. Instead of identifying “causes” of offending, constitutive criminology examines relations that coproduce crime with a view to questioning assumptions, mundane discourse, and the actions that sustain them. Constitutive theorists challenge us to deconstruct those assumptions and to replace the discourse of “war” and harm with a discourse of peace and healing.

Constitutive criminology depends on the proposition that humans actively create their world by transforming their surroundings through interaction with others, not least via discourse. Through language and symbolic representation, humans identify differences, construct categories, and share a belief in the reality of that which is constructed and toward which they act.

In the process of investing energy in their socially constructed, discursively organized categories of order and reality, humans both shape their world and are shaped by it. They are coproducers and coproductions of their own and others' agency, some of which produces harm. A major source of harm is the production and exploitation of unequal power relations, built on constructions of difference.

Crime, Criminals, and Victims

Constitutive criminology defines crime as the harm resulting from humans investing energy in harmproducing relations of power. Crimes are nothing less than disrespect for people; the effect is to deny or prevent them from positively transforming their world and themselves. If some prevent this positive transformation, or limit or undermine it, people become less than human; they are harmed. Thus, crime is “the power to deny others their ability to make a difference” (Henry and Milovanovic 1996: 116).

Constitutive theory divides crimes that deny humans' ability to make a positive (that is, non-harm producing) difference into two types: crimes of reduction and crimes of repression. Harms of reduction occur when offended parties experience a loss of their capacity to be human. For example, they could have property stolen from them, suffer physical injury or psychological abuse, or have their dignity stripped from them. Harms of repression occur when people experience a limit, or restriction, preventing them from accomplishing (nonharmful) goals or desires. For example, they might prevent a person from achieving a career goal because of sexism, racism, or a promotional “glass ceiling.”

Considered along a continuum of deprivation, scholars may base harms of reduction or repression on one or more constructed value differences. In Western industrial societies, harms cluster around the following values: economic (class, property); gender (sexism); race and ethnicity (racism, hate); political (power, corruption); morality; human rights; social position (status or prestige, inequality); psychological state (security, well-being); self-realization or actualization; biological integrity; and so on. Whatever the particular value construction, actions are harms either because they reduce victims from a value position they currently occupy or because they repress or prevent them from occupying a value position that they desire (the maintenance or achievement of which does not deny or deprive another). Consequently, is it ever legitimate to reduce or repress another, even in attempting to prevent or control the other's commission of harm? Moreover, how can one justify the reduction of standing of those who have achieved their current positions using power to exploit difference? In short, how does constitutive theory limit harm without itself exercising the power that causes harm?

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