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Graffiti and Tagging
Broadly conceptualized, graffiti refers to the wide array of symbols, codes, and figures inscribed on the surfaces of public space. In contemporary usage, however, graffiti more specifically denotes illegal or officially unsanctioned public markings, and in almost every instance, graffiti has come to be associated with the individual and collective criminality of young people. In this way, contemporary conversations and public debates about graffiti reference more than the markings themselves. They invoke emerging and often contested arrangements of law, public and private property, and power; build on concerns over the status of young people in the social order; and incorporate debates as to the appropriateness of justice system responses to the graffiti “problem.”
The graffiti of young people in the United States and other countries today is manifested in a remarkable range of styles and forms: exhortations to political analysis and activism; declarations of romantic love and tragic remembrance; scrawled allegiances to musical groups and sports teams; and injunctions of religious faith or spiritual skepticism. Among the many contemporary manifestations of youth graffiti in the United States, though, two forms in particular embody most directly the social and cultural tensions between power, control, and symbolic deviance, and for this reason dominate both everyday perceptions of graffiti and ongoing debates over graffiti's interconnections with youthful criminality.
Hip-Hop Graffiti and Tagging
The most widely dispersed and publicly visible form of graffiti in the United States today, hip-hop graffiti, emerged out of the minority and immigrant boroughs of New York City during the 1970s as part of a larger, homegrown hip-hop youth subculture built around rap music, break dancing, and other do-it-yourself cultural innovations. Significantly, hip-hop graffiti, like the larger hip-hop subculture, came into existence as a stylized, street-hip alternative to gang-oriented or interpersonally violent means of resolving conflict or acquiring status. Decades later, hip-hop graffiti “writers” and the “crews” to which they belong still follow the subcultural codes of status, respect, and disrespect established during the early years of hip-hop graffiti. Writing, or “tagging,” their own subcultural nicknames and the names of their crews in public places, spray painting quick two-color “throw-ups,” designing and spray painting larger multicolored murals, or “pieces,” they operate within a highly stylized system of interpersonal honor and subcultural communication. Inscribing complimentary commentary next to a sophisticated piece executed by another writer, at other times “dissin'” or “going over”—that is, marking through or painting over—graffiti judged to be below subcultural standards, writers make this status system explicit, at least to those who can understand its codes. As such, they continue to recall and reinvent, in the public spaces of contemporary life, an elaborate form of symbolic interaction distinctive to the youthful world they occupy.
Undergirding this growing youth subculture are not only the tags, throw-ups, and pieces left behind in public places, but a key experiential dynamic involved in their production. Time and again, hip-hop graffiti writers describe their experience of writing graffiti in terms of a powerfully seductive “adrenalin rush,” a rush so powerful that they regularly liken it to encounters with sex or drugs. Yet for the writers, this rush constitutes something more than the sort of indiscriminate lust for illicit kicks often ascribed to young people. Instead, as the writers make clear, the rush results from the opportunity to accomplish their stylized, and often long-practiced, subcultural artistry in situations necessarily fraught with immediate physical and legal danger. In this way, the experiential adrenalin rush of writing hip-hop graffiti embodies the twin dynamics that define the larger hip-hop graffiti subculture today: the organization of the subculture around artistry, image, and style, and the emergence of the subculture as a world of youthful disobedience and outlaw identities.
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- Delinquency Theories and Theorists
- Albert Cohen
- Biological Theories
- Clifford Shaw
- Cycle of Violence
- Edwin Sutherland
- Fredrick Thrasher
- Henry McKay
- James Short
- Joan McCord
- Lamar T. Empey
- Lloyd Ohlin
- Marvin Wolfgang
- Psychological Theories
- Richard Cloward
- Ruth Shonle Cavan
- Sheldon and Eleanor Glueck
- Sociological Theories
- Solomon Kobrin
- Stanley G. Hall
- Thorsten Sellin
- Travis Hirschi
- Walter Miller
- Walter Reckless
- Historical References: People and Projects
- Delinquent Behavior
- Treatment and Interventions for Delinquency
- Aftercare
- Alternative Schools
- Assessment
- Boot Camps
- Boys and girls Clubs
- community action boards
- Culturally Specific Programming
- curfews
- DARE
- Detention Facilities
- family therapy
- Group Homes
- group therapy
- mediation
- out of home placement
- police responses to delinquency
- Prevention strategies
- probation
- Scared Straight
- Teen courts
- victim offender
- Wilderness Programs
- Juvenile Law and Legislative Initiatives
- California Street Terrorism Enforcement & Prevention
- California Youth Authority
- Death Penalty
- Diversion
- Foster Care
- Guardian Ad Litem
- Juvenile Courts
- Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act
- Juvenile Law
- National Council of Juvenile & Family Court Judges
- National Council on Crime & Delinquency
- Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention
- parens patriae
- Parental liability laws
- Waivers to Adult Court
- Juvenile Issues and Public Policy
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