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Audiences for newspaper or electronic news media rarely pay attention to union organization of the people that produce and distribute that news—until a strike intervenes and stops news flow. As with other industries, news media owners nearly always hold a more negative view of labor unions than their employees. The changing national economy has led to upheaval in union organization and considerable recent consolidation. Indeed, by the last quarter of the century, membership began to decline in many newspaper and broadcast unions as the country steadily shifted from a manufacturing to a services economy.

Generally speaking, labor unionization has been a more important factor in larger markets. Closed shops (where union membership is required as a condition of employment) are common in larger newspapers and broadcast stations (and especially networks), while less restrictive situations (open shops or even a lack of unionization) are more the norm elsewhere.

Media unions tend to divide into “above the line” and “below the line” categories, using traditional theatrical terms. The “aboves” include creative and performing personnel—such as writers, newscasters, and announcers. The “belows” emphasize the technical and engineering trades so essential in getting mass news into the hands of consumers. Traditionally, the latter has been organized earlier. Such distinctions have sometimes led to protracted jurisdictional disputes over which union will represent which workers. The potential revenue and bargaining power for the winner of these battles made them especially bitter.

This entry focuses on American labor unions—there are many others in most developed—and some developing—nations.

Origins

The earliest known labor strike at a newspaper took place in Philadelphia in 1786 against a management plan to reduce printers' wages. But after succeeding in its aims to uphold existing wages, the union dissolved. Two New York attempts to organize printers around 1800 lasted for a few years in each case, as did several other false starts there and in other cities. Most efforts to organize centered on the control of wages and working conditions (including hours). Attempts to organize printers in multiple cities in the 1830s sputtered out in the face of firm publisher opposition and an economic downturn that made any job dear.

Only in 1848 did printers succeed in organizing in a lasting fashion, beginning in Boston, and create the National Typographers Union (NTU) in 1852. The NTU had 34 locals and some 3,500 members by 1860. It was one of only three unions (in any field) to survive the Civil War. By 1869, it had more than doubled in size (and changed the first word to International), one indicator of the expansion of newspapers across the country. Women were admitted as of 1870 (there had briefly been a separate union for them). Development of inexpensive stereotype plates in the 1870s marked one of the first “new” technologies that impacted printer employment and thus the role of their union. Introduction of the linotype in the late 1880s led to agreements on higher pay and shorter hours to allow the mechanization to continue. Operators of such devices usually became union members, and the ITU was one entity contributing to the American Federation of Labor on its formation in 1886.

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