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As the “People's Branch,” and primary policy-making body for the United States, Congress plays a central role in the American political system, and thus congressional journalism plays a vital role in informing the people about politics and policy so they in turn can better perform their jobs as citizens. Yet Congress is a paradoxical institution, and in many ways congressional journal-ism—indeed, the relationship between Congress and the media generally—is also paradoxical.

Congress is the most accessible, decentralized, and dynamic branch of government, and likewise the most democratic. These features make it relatively easy for reporters to get information, build stories, and document and comment on the activities that make up the legislative process. Members of Congress are usually eager to speak to reporters so as to gain coverage and get their message, name, and image before the public.

But Congress is also the most fractious, complicated, rule-bound, and incomprehensible of the branches, making it hard to convey “what's going on” in a simple, clear fashion; keep track of the actors and the action; and accurately portray its role to a mass audience. So much is happening in different venues, and with procedural variations that only experts can understand, that telling any congressional story can be challenging.

Furthermore, though Congress is the most democratic branch, it is also the least efficient and most internally conflicted. Its openness also reveals the messiness and ugliness of the democratic process. As German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck famously remarked long ago, “No one should see sausages or laws being made.” Also as a result, the media tend to portray Congress in a negative light, and to focus more on the personalities, foibles, scandals, and battles that are part of its functions, arguably helping to fuel public disdain for and cynicism about Congress.

Development

During the first decades of its existence (1790–1850) congressmen generally had the upper hand in dealing with the press. They tightly controlled access to congressional proceedings, as most committee meetings were off-limits to members of the press. The Senate did not even open its floor proceedings until 1795, and continued to keep nomination and treaty debates secret until the twentieth century.

The line between reporter and propagandist was not always clear, as members generally had close relationships with the journalists who covered them, sometimes hiring them in the periods between congressional sessions as clerks and secretaries and giving them other patronage duties. Government printing contracts were also doled out to supportive papers. A prime example of this was the National Intelligencer, which was the dominant newspaper of the capitol in this period. For years, its two publishers, William Seaton and Joseph Gales, were the sole reporters for the House and Senate, respectively, and had close ties to Jefferson's Democratic-Republican Party then in control of Congress. They were also the official printers of Congress from 1819 to 1829, and began compiling official reports of the activities of Congress, the precursor to the Congressional Record.

Because the locus of national power in the nineteenth century was centered firmly in Congress rather than the presidency, the congressional beat grew in importance and stature. Given the growth of the partisan press into the mid-nineteenth century, the trend of favorable coverage for many members continued, since often their partisan patronage or political connections back home included that of allied newspaper owners and editors—with the exception of those aligned with the opposition party.

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