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The history of Britain's struggle for a free press fills five centuries with official bans, threats, and laws passed to intimidate or silence journalists. The signal virtue of British press freedom is that it is long established and has been long fought for, which means its methods and institutions are often copied and frequently admired from afar. Anyone who seeks to found a newspaper in Britain from scratch can do so. There is no license required, nor any great amount of paperwork. As long as you obey the law, you are free to operate—and merger rules, by and large, are less restrictive than they are in, for example, the United States. Only regional monopolies create occasional problems. Because Britain has no written constitution clearly enumerating what is allowed and not allowed, however, there are few certainties regarding the rights of journalists and no guarantee of UK press freedom, such as the American First Amendment.

The history of modern British press regulation, however, is far shorter. Essentially, it began on July 21, 1953, in an office on London's Fleet Street, then the great center for Britain's national newspapers, when a body soon known as the Press Council—two dozen or so leading editors and publishers—met for the first time. These self-elected founding fathers set themselves two public tasks: to defend the freedom of the press and to monitor its standards of conduct.

The Press Council (1953–1991)

After centuries of guerrilla warfare with government, this council would offer a new approach for a new postwar era. A responsible press would police itself—but it would also campaign against oppressive restrictions such as the Official Secrets Act of 1911 (amended in 1989), a law imposing areas of government secrecy and making imprisonment possible for journalists (or anyone else) who pulled aside that curtain. The council's members intended to “Publish and Be Damned” (as the great Daily Mirror slogan proclaimed) but also to break some of the chains of libel and defamation litigation that made the United Kingdom one of the most difficult developed countries in the world in which investigative reporters and their editors had to work.

Those who gathered for this first meeting, though, were not exactly starry-eyed about the initiative. As was also the case nearly 40 years later, when the Press Complaints Commission supplanted this first Press Council, newspapers and magazines invented their own solution to a perceived problem to ward off worse official action. Self-regulation was a response to constant government and backbench pressure. Three Royal Commissions on the Press—in 1947, 1962, and 1977—made a continuing case for change; and events, including the beginning of a new tabloid circulation war after publishing magnate Rupert Murdoch bought the restrained middle-market Sun in 1969 and transformed it into something more populist, produced an inescapable rise in complaints about the press by the public and an equally inescapable demand for further press reform. There were “still flagrant breaches of acceptable standards,” wrote the chairman of the 1977 commission, Sir Oliver McGregor. Though the idea of a Press Council had been welcomed—and copied—around the world from Australia to Sri Lanka, the original concept was steadily battered into irrelevance. It had seemed a big enough step in 1953 to set up a committee of senior journalists and managers under an independent chairman and ask them to investigate cases of supposed bad behavior by newspapers as well as laying down standards of conduct and stepping in to defend and promote the profession (rather like the Bar Council defended lawyers and the General Medical Council defended and policed doctors). But times grew rougher and faith in the council gradually diminished.

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