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International relations as a field of study has traditionally been defined as a science whose primary purpose has been to explain the behavior of states operating in an anarchic world where power—usually measured in terms of economic resources, military strength, and moral influence—has always been unevenly spread among its various units. How to measure power, the uses to which power is put, how states acquire and lose it, and what impact its unequally distributed character has on relations between states in the wider international system have been central issues discussed by scholars of international relations ever since Thucydides wrote his classic History of the Peloponnesian War in the 4th century BCE.

Measuring the power of states has, of necessity, created its own taxonomy. Thus, different states may be defined as great, weak, imperial, regional, global, or even—more recently—failed, largely in terms of three attributes: (1) their own set of unique capabilities, (2) the distribution of capabilities in the wider international system, and (3) their capacity to exercise control over both their own affairs and those of others. Inevitably, most attention has been paid to the actions of great powers insofar as they have exercised most influence on the international system. Thus, when the Napoleonic wars ended with France's defeat in 1814, it was naturally assumed that the future of Europe would be shaped by at least five “great” powers: Great Britain, the Austrian Empire, Russia, Prussia, and France. A century later, it was taken for granted that the outcome of World War I would, in the end, be determined—once again—by the policies and capabilities of the various great powers.

World Wars I and II

The term superpower only emerged in the period following the “Great War” (World War I) of 1914 to 1918. Hitherto, writers had hardly used the term, preferring instead to speak of certain states possessing vast powers that extended well beyond their own territory as empires. The term superpower was thus very much a modern creation and was first used in the early 1920s with special reference to the greatest of all modern empires—the British Empire, with one in four people around the world living under its flag. It then became more commonly employed during World War II. Indeed, the idea that the war would conclude with an enormous concentration of power in the hands of only three states—the British Empire, the United States, and the former USSR—was initially mooted by the Dutch American geostrategist Nicholas J. Spykman, first in his 1942 study America's Strategy in World Politics and then 2 years later in his short, but highly influential, book The Geography of the Peace. Spykman was a power theorist par excellence. But he made a clear distinction between different kinds of power and concluded (against the then influential arguments advanced by the British geographer Halford Mackinder) that the dominant global actor after the war would not be the Soviet Union, which now controlled the Eurasian land mass—what Mackinder termed the heartland—but rather the United States, with its unmatched maritime global supremacy.

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